LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
Transcriptions by Phyllis J. Bauer
|
THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 8, Series J, Pages 35-37
Microfilm No. 23
Index
-- Top
Reminiscences of Mann
Butler Including his Memory of Col. William Linn
Being Killed by the Indians
[p. 35] Captain Joseph
Saunders
He was an Ensign in the
Regiment of Col. Geo. Gibson of the Virginia Continental
Troops in Gen. Washington’s Army, and resigned shortly
before Gen. Washington took up winter quarters at Valley
Forge. He was afterwards in 1779 a Lieutenant in the
Troops which guarded at Albemarle Barracks the British force
captured at Saratoga.
In 1778 Col. Geo. R. Clark surprised and reduced
the British posts at Kaskaskia, Cahokia and Vincentz as then
called but now "Vincennes" after the reduction of Vincennes, the
post, with a few men was left under the command of Captain
Leonard Holm, with power, as Indian agent to treat with the
Indians.
In the spring of 1779 Gov. Hamilton with a number of
British Regulars and Indians re-captured Vincennes. Col.
Clark received notice of that event, and left
Kaskaskia and with great ?alerity? marched to surprise
Hamilton and recovered the post. Here and at this time the
Brass double-fortified six-pounder was obtained. Clark
sent Hamilton on to the Governor of Virginia and returned
to Kaskaskia commanded an expedition against and beat the
Indians on Fox river of the Illinois river.
John Montgomery was Lieut. Colonel under Clark and
sent on to Virginia as from Kaskaskia for a reinforcement. In
the spring of the year 1779 Montgomery had obtained about
200 Regulars and to reinforce Clark at Albemarle Barracks
Capt. Saunders resigned and joined Montgomery as a
volunteer and was attached to the company of the then Captain
and afterwards Gen. Robert Todd of Lexington Kentucky.
Col. Montgomery moved his force on to a place 12 miles
below on Holstein Island, where they met a militia force
commanded by Col. Shelby, father of the late Governor of
Kentucky. There, the forces [p. 36] united, and descended to,
and took and burnt the Chicamoggy Indian Towns on the Tennessee
river and destroyed their corn and every thing else they could
find.
After this service was performed Shelby and Montgomery
separated their forces and the latter descended the
Tennessee and Ohio river, and ascended the Mississippi in large
Perouges, each made of a large poplar tree and joined Clark
at Kaskias -- at that place in the latter part of the summer
1779 Capt. Saunders received instructions to proceed to
the settlements of Virginia to recruit men for military service.
On his way he passed Vincennes where he received from
Capt. Helm a narration of the reduction, recapture, and
recovery of that post. He proceeded that fall to Culpeper County
in Virginia in company with Geo. Slaughter. In the fall
of 1779 or winter of 1780 Slaughter was commissioned a
major, raised 100 men, and was incorporated in Col. Crockets
Regiment.
In June 1780 Capt.
Saunders came to Louisville, with Capt. Benj. Roberts &
Capt. Mark Thomas’ Companies making about 100 rank &
file. Capt. Saunders was a Lieutenant in Capt. Thomas’
Company. He remained at Louisville, until about May 1780
when he was sent on to Virginia for money and supplies for the
Troops. He was captured at Charlottesville by Tarlton,
together with Daniel Boone and Thomas Swearinger,
then Delegates from Kentucky to the Virginia Legislature.
In the spring of the year
1780 Fort Jefferson at the Iron Ba___on the Mississippi was
established by Col. Clark, with some of his Regulars and
families from Kentucky and was abandoned in the year 1781.
In the summer 1780,
Col. Clark and Silas Harlan came from [p. 37] Fort
Jefferson, by land, through the wilderness to Harrodsburg in
Kentucky. In that summer, Clark raised about 1000 men, in
Kentucky including his regulars at Louisville, and marched
against the Shawnee Indians on the Big Miami in Ohio, and
carried with him his Brass six pounder which was captured at
Vincennes. The Indians with the assistance of the British, |
Index
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LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page 2 of
transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
had made a pretty strong
Fort with port holes at Piqua, on a Hill, at the Bank of the
Miami, which could not have been reduced by Clarks force,
with small arms. Here the Indians stood their ground, but were
driven out and the Fort taken principally by means of that Brass
Field piece. Their corn, then in roasting Ears, and other
property was destroyed.
In the year 1781 Clark went to Richmond in Virginia to
raise and concentrate a force to go against and Capture Detroit.
He came to the west of the mountains to raise the militia there,
to aid in the enterprise. He came on with Crockets Regiment to
Louisville, where the militia was to join them. The Militia from
the Monongahela, were commanded by Maj. Loughry; and
below the mouth of Kentucky, he was decoyed killed and his force
totally defeated. Nearly all were killed and made prisoners by
the Indians and the enterprise against Detroit failed.
In 1781, the first Fort was built by the Regular troops
at Louisville and was temporary and insufficient. In the summer
of 1782 a new one was built of sufficient strength containing
about an acre.
In 1781 Col. Wm. Linn, who settled Linns Station where
the late Col. Richd. Anderson lived, was killed by
Indians on the Beargrass. Those Indians were pursued by Captain,
then Lieut. Saunders and a small force of Regulars, under
his command [p. 38] and a militia force from Beargrass to the 18
mile creek. The Indians had passed over the Ohio river, and a
majority decided against pursuing them any further, and returned
and dispersed.
[Noted: Communication from
Capt. Joseph Saunders taken by Worden Pope Esq.
June 1832, Mann Butler
THE GEORGE
ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 9, Series J, Pages 93-98
Microfilm No. 23
From Henry Bonta
[PJB editor note: The
following was difficult to read and transcribe, due to the fact
that it is written in a disconnected manner.]
Col. Jas. Harrod
married the widow McDaniel a
sister of Capt. James Coburn of Harrod’s Station. Wm.
Harrod was his brother --- a rough, brave man -- [written in
above line: "in a rough abrupt way’] once had comd. at the Falls
of Ohio. In spring of ‘80, went down from Red Stone, in a
private capacity, called on Col. Dan. Broudhead at
Pittsburg, for a passport -- Brodhead looked at him
rather keenly, when Harrod observed "You needn’t view me
so closely when at home I, too, wear a stick frog on my ?rump?."
After the year ‘84, Col. Jas. Harrod went out a few miles
hunting, left his little stepson, ten or 12 years old, --- left
him at camp, his clothes caught fire -- jumped into a
spring branch, but was so badly burned that he died that night.
Col. Harrod placed the corpse on a scaffold to protect it
from the wolves -- returned home, got a conveyance, next day
took in the body & buried.
Henry Bonta is certain that Col. Jas. Harrod was
one of the commissioners for paying the troops on the fall
campaign of ‘82. don’t recollect why Harrod was not out
on that campaign. Also directly recollects riding with him to
Danville after Danville was settled. Thinks, however, he lived
several years after [written above line: "as late as ‘73" I
Don’t believe the story of Elijah Woods seeing Harrod.
The two men that went out hunting with Harrod -- Stone &
Bridge. |
Index --
Top
THE GEORGE
ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Page 3 of
transcription of Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
Campaign of 80
Linn had full 500 in his regt -- Logan 250 --
Harrod 200 or 280 -- perhaps 10 or 11 hundred in all.
Thinks Floyd had no regt ---- Slaughter with 50
State troops, under Capt. Ben. Roberts.
When McGary was attacked 6 or 8 miles above mouth of
Ky. about noon --- Linn’s & Harrod’s men fired upon them,
& few shots from the Indians --- one ball passed along the top
of his thumb & one of Linn’s men & lodged in his shirt
sleeve. The Indian party was, 16 or 17 --
Clarks Campaign of 80
[p. 94] Thinks there was no corn boding at Chillicothe - for
it was brunt. The town next attacked was on the north bank of
Mad river, two miles below the present Springfield.
In the fight --- Linn crossed with his regt. above the
town --- Logan still above Linn. Marched in 4
lines. (Near old Chillicothe in sight caught him heavy shower,
thunder and lightning, got guns wet -- at eve - fired off
part ______ horses & broke through the line -- fired off bal.
next morn) Marched to Piqua on the Mad river 12 miles & reached
there considerably in the afternoon -- Harrod crossed
below - Linn above, two Indians fired from a corn field on north
shore on Linn’s men & fled -- then went through the corn
up to the ridge, & had smart exchange of shots before crossing,
however, & passing through wood land, with corn field be there &
river, were fired on from the field considerably for a
fourth of a mile, no ________ above. Capt. Hawkins of
Linn’s regt was grazed on top of his head & one man killed.
Then the two of [them] went to town and there saw 4 or 5 Indians
in a cabin below the fort shooting at the men -- the cannon
fired a single passed through - the Indians couldn’t stand that
& scampered off -- while John Lee, Henry Bonta, of
Sims regt in the weeds upon the side hill, saw this
Indian party, Lee fires & while reloading one of
the Indians returned a fire & shot the top of Lees ram
rod off as he had it partly rammed down - This was after the
regular fight in the hollow square.
During the day sometime - Capt. Hickman was missing,
supposed killed - afterward we learned to have gone to the
Indians.
In the town before the fort don’t recollect much about the fight
-- save scattering fighting. Think not more than 15 Indian
scalps taken -- and about 15 white killed & a few wounded.
Campaign of ‘82
Henry Bonta was in Logan’s regt. -- John
Logan was Lieut. under Col. Ben. Logan. - Boone Col.
of Fayette troops - Patterson Lt. Col. perhaps 100 men;
McGary was chosen Colonel at mouth of Licking. Floyd
had a ret. The spies shot at a Indian 3 or 4 ms from New
Chillicothe or Piqua with the horseshoe bend before it. --
McCracken’s horse went ahead, with some of the others who
happened to be halter mounted, went ahead all under Maj.
Wales of the States troops -- reached the _______ waited
till the main body came up: that gave the women & [p. 95] to
escape -- ten warriors went off hunting, or nearly all. The
troops crossed - knee deep - got some 20 or 30 women & children
-- Mrs. McFall, the wife of John McFall, was
taken. There found chickens & caught - found soft corn roasted,
shelled off & dried, called "tossi-mo-nan-ny’ -- beans -- meat
-- all cooking: Logan went the first night to Laramies,
20 miles off -- next day Boone went about 10 ms;
Logan got back next day & Boone the same at night. It
was the first night that John Reynolds was
wounded. Thinks but one Indian killed by Sovereigns party
- & he by Taylor. [Written above line: got a pipe &
tomahawk; _______ & a _______ & given to Gen. Clark.]
Early in evening -- Capt. Thos. More, of McGary’s
regt. -- was often guard that night -- double sentry perhaps
100 Indians -- firing lasting an hour -- sometimes more, then
slack; fired at flash of guns. Thinks no such incident occurred
as a man’s firing from behind a log 2 or 3 shots & then get shot
-- Wilson thinks same. Nor indeed was anyone hurt that
night. Nobody scared -- didn’t think it much of a fight --
Indians kept at a pretty good distance.
It was the first night that Sovereigns talked with
the Indians. Several alarms; fired the three pounder
several times, probably when Reynolds was wounded --
McCracken was buried a little above mouth of Licking. Don’t
recollect if the 50 meeting - Thinks McGary was tried at
Beardstown for killing Moluntha -- broke
|
Index
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LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page 4 of
transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
of his commission - Wasn’t
thought much of afterwards - a _______: It was said he - after
battle of Licks, reached home the night after on Shawnee _, at
his Station -- & slept part of the night under his own roof -- A
good horse -- fully 65 miles!
Maj. Lougheridge -- or perhaps Laughery, from the
Monongahela or Greenbriar county, started in ‘81 to join
Clark’s intended campaign agst Detroit, defeated -- It was
above mouth of Ky river at the Loughridges creek or Ohio
river; Indians camped there -- Lougheridge, thought they
were whites, landed & was routed.
Thinks Slaughter was out in ‘80 - not in ‘82. Wasn’t much
of a man. Married a Fields - some of the Ky Fields
lived near ?P______?
Death of Col. Linn
[p. 96] In Feb. or March of ‘81 - was going from
Linn’s Station to attend court at Louisville - had gone
about a mile was waylaid -- three or 4 Indians shot at him.
Memo: Henry Wilson
was on the campaign of Gen. Clark against the Indians
as he represents: These notes were taken in 1843: In 1847, 1
examined the archives at Richmond & found his name on the pay
roll for both campaigns in Capt. John Allison’s
company, on the former; & in Capt. Simon Kenton’s company
on the latter.
See Note Book, No. 2 of
Illinois Papers - p. 3d & 15th.
Henry Bonta
was also on the same two campaigns as he
states in the notes. See note Book No. 2, of "Illinois Papers,"
p. 10 & 13. Near Baltimore, Feb. 29, 1848 L.C.D.
Additional memos of
Henry Wilson - notes at the same time as the preceding, in
memo book: "After the battle on Mad River in 1780, in cutting up
& destroying the corn, found two Indians in the corn --
evidently father & son, the younger wounded, the other evidently
remained to take care of him - both were killed."
"Capt. Job Hale, in whose company Henry Wilson was,
in Adairs battle in 1794, had 60 men -- Abram James
wounded."
[PJB editor’s note: The following is written by the grandson of
Henry Wilson. He is a very poor speller and writer, but
the original text is followed as closely as possible.]
Flatrock Dec the 12th 1847
Dear Friend, My Granfather has received two letters from you, we
were very glad to hear from you and to hear that you were still
laboring on your history, the letter you first wrote we
neglected to ansurr, more through careless- ness than anything
else, Father has been about half of his time from home engaged
in Speculation and been very busily engaged and is from home at
present I will make the attempt to ansurr it sir but I dont know
whether I can do it satisfactorily or not. My Grandfather is now
in his 93rd year the old man is getting very frail his
reccollection has failed him very much since you were hear he
reecolects Gen. Gorge Rogers Clark and some of his
compatriots I will commence at the first of those that you have
named, he reccolects Maj. Wm. Shannon but nothing more,
Maj. George Walls came from Pennsylvania recolects no
decendants nor where he died, Capt. Edward Worthington
Emigrated from Pen. he lived the most of his time in harrodsburg,
Ky. He was in the battle at piqua town he is ded; no decendans
as he can recolect -- Capt. Richard McCarty, lived at
Harodsburgh and the falls of the Ohio, cant recolect where he
emigrated from, Capt. James Sullivan cant recolect any
thing about him, Capt Ben Lin; well acquainted with him
cant recolect where he emigrated from he |
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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Page 5 of the
transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
[p. 94] He recollects that
Col. Boone was out on Clarks campaign of 1780
against the shawnee on mud river Isaac Hite, Azariah Davis,
Emigrated from pensylvania he has seen nearly all the
balance that you have named but had no acqantence with them.
Isac Hite was on the campaign of 82 he reccolects of his
loosing his horse near Covington ky That you know all about; he
cant reccolect any thing more of importance his Health is verry
Good at presant he had a very severe spell the year after you
left hear the old man can scarsly walk, troubled with rhumatism
I can discover that his reecolection has failed him very much
since you were hear old Mr. Banta is ded, he died in
1843. the old man was blind some time before he died, the old
man is very anxcious to read your history and would like to get
it as soon as you finish it and is willing to pay any price for
it, Yours respectfully Henry T.
Wilson
Lyman C.
Draper Grand Son of Capt. H. Wilson
GEORGE
ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 10, Series J, Page 120
Microfilm No. 24
Part of a letter from
Thomas Rogers to Lyman C. Draper
Sapsley Hall, near
Bowling Green, Ky., Sept. 3rd 1847
[Paraphrased] ... nor have
I any knowledge of Capt. Benj. Linn, but about 25 or 6
years ago, I had occasion to be frequently on business, in the
county of Henderson in Kentucky and in Posey County in Indiana,
just opposite, across the Ohio - in Posey near the river, then
lived a man named Dan Linn, who was one of the signers to
the constitution of Indiana, having been a member of the
convention that formed it. He might have been a son of Capt.
Benj. Linn. Dan I believe removed from Tennessee to Posey
County, and I think he is dead and his family gone away for I
occasionally hear from that quarter, where I have some property,
and have heard nothing lately of them . .
[sig:l
Tho. Rogers
[PJB, editor ’s note: It
is known that Dan[n] Linn/Lynn was not a son of Capt. Benjamin
Linn.] |
Index --
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THE GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 36, Series J, Pages 38-41
Microfilm No. 30
Page 6 of transcription by
Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
Biographical Notes on
Benjamin Linn
Editor PJB’s note:
Unfamiliar abbreviations have been spelled out, and some
punctuation, capitalization, paragraphing, etc. has been added
to clarify and make the reading easier. Much of the incorrect
spelling has been left intact so as not to entirely destroy the
flavor of the writing.
The underscoring of a word
or a blank, indicates a word that was difficult or impossible to
decipher.
General George Rogers Clark’s Officers
[p. 38] Gen. McAfee, Nov 30 1847, says on Mr.
Thomas authority that Capt. Linn & James Ray
sniched [sneaked?] out of Harrodsburg & brought Francis
McConnell in with the aid of two others.
Ben. Linn -- The first church collected & organized in the
Upper Green river country, was a Baptist church by Benj. Linn
on No-Linn Creek in 1782. It was the second Baptist church,
and the second of any denomination in Kentucky. It was composed
of thirteen members, and met at Phillips Fort, about a quarter
of a mile from Knoll Linn. Three years afterward he settled on
Pottinger’s Creek, in Larue County and founded a church of
eighteen members. 1777 - Linn distinguished himself in
the defense of Harrodsburg in the spring of 1777, killing one of
the Indian assailants.
Early in 1781, Ben. Linn, John LaRue & John Garrard went
out from Beargrass or the Falls to make a settlement, selecting
the Knoll as their fort or station. They prepared to survey the
country, & make preparations for the approaching winter - In one
of their hunting expeditions, Linn was separated from his
companions, became bewildered and lost in the forests. The
company returned at night, but could give no tidings of Linn. A
consultation was held, and it was resolved that the wearie
hunters should spend the night in search for their cort
[close?] friend and pastor. The campfire blazed on the brow of
the hill, and besides them watched through the night the wife of
the lost one. The sounds of the [p. 39] horn came mingling with
the moan of the chili winds, and through each hour of the night
was heard the approaching head of some returning hunter, as he
came towards the Knoll to report, and leave if the lost had yet
been found by the searchers. "No Linn" would break the silence
as the fort was approached. ‘No Linn Yet" was the answer from
the sentinel on the knoll, and back again went the weary hunter
into the depths of the midnight forest.
Morning came, the company, one after another returned. "No Linn
Yet" was still the report, and the answer. Again they renew the
search. Some fifteen miles from the Knoll they found where he
had encamped, and called it "Linn Camp Creek." They soon found
the object of their search. Worn & exhausted he was borne back
to his family and friends.
That night was never to be
forgotten, and the loved man of God, who on the beautiful Knoll,
was the first to announce the glorious gospel of
peace in all that region South of the Salt river, impressed his
name and his memory on the of his sufferings. The Knoll was
called ‘No-Linn"; the creek that sweeps by it is [p. 40]
"No-Linn Creek," and the No-Linn Association, together with
other local names, perpetuate his memory.
Note at top of page: "Benjn.
Linn, not allowed" so recorded in is list of those entitled
to lands in Illinois Grant, Probably needed to remain a hunter
for supply of Harrodsbg. |
Index --
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THE GEORGE
ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Page 7 of
transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
But deeds were his,
unnoticed by the pen of the historian, which are recorded in
heaven. To the scattered huntsmen he was the messenger of peace.
In Phillips Fort, at No-Linn all along the stations on Green
river, wherever a settlement was made, Linn was found an early
visitor, swimming rivers, passing through the most perilous
dangers, on his hands and knees at midnight, crawling through or
near the Indian encampments. He counted not his life ?Isai?
unto him, that he might preach the unsearchable riches of
Christ, instruct, confirm, and comfort the suffering forefathers
of Kentucky. Like that well-known dome on which he so often
preached, ere one tree fallen in the dark forest around it, his
memory should stand forth prominent and familiar a symbol, a
memorial of the endurance and the principles of the denomination
to which he belonged.
Rev. S. H. Ford, in Christian Repository, Oct. 1856,
Louisville, Ky. Henry Wilson says Ben. Linn was on
campaign 1780.
For further facts abt. Ben. Linn, see letters & notes of
Andw. Linn, & John Chisholm’s letter & his
Daughter’s, both in vol. of notes & cor. abt. Col. Wm. Linn &
Clark’s officers. Andw. Linn is better authority than
John Chisholm about place of Linn’s nativity. When lost, had 10
men with him exploring.
[p. 41] Ben Lin : Col. Montgomery says
Wm. Linn went as a hunter with him to Kask[askia] (Ms.
Papers iv 32), May 3, 1777, Kaches, Mo. of Ohio with his powder
cargo. (Ms. Papers iv 22, is spy apptd. by Clark in Payne
Papers.)
Biographical Sketch of
William Linn
Col. Wm. Linn, son of Andw. Linn, was born
in the beautiful valley of Pohatcong, in Warren Co. New Jersey.
The father was born in Ireland and brought to America in 1701
when a child at the breast, his father settling first on
Long Island where he married, and raised six children, 4 sons
and 2 daughters. The second son was born in 1734. And afterwards
he removed to New Jersey. Wm. Linn when a young man went
to the western part of Maryland, and is said to have acted as a
spy on Braddock’s campaign, and reconnoitered Fort Duquesne
prior to the defeat of the British Army. He subsequently acted
as a spy, serving in Capt. Alexander Beall’s company in
1757, of which Evan Shelby was at first Lieutenant. The
following year Shelby had a company of his own.
Note in margin: 1776, fail - Gibson apptd. to go to
New Orleans Am. Archs. v.1-746. 1776 his letter &
sufferings: Ms. Papers, Ill - 65, 74, 67-68. Pa. Papers, p. 3.
Shortly after
Braddock’s defeat, Col. Thomas Cresap went on a
scout, nine miles west of Cumberland encountered a party of
Indians at the base of Savage mountain, about a mile south of
the present Frostburg, where after treeing, a fight occurred in
which a young Cresap was killed, Wm. Linn shooting
the Indian who had slain him.
About 1769 Linn with others of his connections removed to
the Red Stone country and serving on McDonald’s
Wappatonian expedition he was badly wounded in the contest that
occurred.
Note in margin: 1779 raised 100 men for intended Detroit
Expedition. Jas. Bowman, Clark Papers 111, No. 51. In
1775, Nov., we gathered at Pittsburgh for our expedition agent
Wm. Linn repaired there with a company with Wm. Harrod
for his Lieut.
In 1775, when George
Gibson raised his company of riflemen, Wm. Linn was
chosen the Lieutenant, and figured in the fight at the
Long Bridge, near Norfolk, as well as in the affair at Hampton. |
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LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page 8 of
transcription of Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
In 1776, Gibson and
Linn were selected for an adventureous expedition to New
Orleans to procure a supply of powder and returned the next year
with 150 kegs of that greatly needed article for the public use,
which they had to carry Keg by Keg over the portage at the Falls
of Ohio, and from their fortunate acquisition Col. G. R.
Clark obtained the recovered supply for his Illinois
Campaign.
In 1773 Linn commanded a company of scouts in the
Wheeling region and distinguished himself by saving the men of
Capt. Foreman’s company from annihilation at the Grave
Creek Narrows. In 1778 he migrated with his family accompanying
Clark’s expedition to Corn Island, at the Falls of the
Ohio, & farmed an important part of the Corn Island Settlement.
Soon after Clark took his departure from the Falls on his
Illinois expedition, an important letter arrived at that point
from Col. John Campbell from Fort Pitt, announcing the
French alliance, and Linn took it in charge and overtook
Col. Clark just before his arrival at Fort Massac and
continued on with the expedition acting as Major, to Clark
in command and his heirs recovered a Major’s quota of land
of the Illinois Grant for his service.
Notes in margin: 1777, April 23rd one of Linn’s men badly
wounded while hunting game for Linn’s men: ? ? Oct. Senr.
? 1777, p. 19. Another note: His death was a retaliatory measure
- see Clark notes 1781 --- related? Another note: In 1775
with a party of 5, at Lower Blue Licks. Shane ii, Fleming Co. 9.
Another note: Kills Indians (5) on Salt River: Shane i, 35 ---
Bourbon Co. Another note- Allowed in Ills. Lieut., having
"second or Major" in Kaskaskia campaign 1st list of allowances.
THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 37, Series J, Pages 17-38
Microfilm No. 30
Letter From Andrew Linn
(s/o Andrew Linn, Jr.)
Cookstown, Pa.
To: Lyman C. Draper,
Baltimore, MD
Editor PJB’s note: The
transcription is faithful as possible, however, some punctuation
and paragraphing may have been added for clarity in reading.
[p. 17] Col.
Wm. Linn
February the 8th 1845 Sir, I received your letter of
January 25. You wanted to know where Col. Lynn was born.
He was born in the Jerseys on a stream called Pohateonk [sic]
the county I am not able to state. You also wanted to know how
old he was when he moved to Maryland and where he moved to. He
moved to Washington county and was about sixteen or seventeen
years of age. You wanted to know whether he was at the Battle of
Grave Creek. He was not there, because I have it from his own
mouth the reason is he did not command the company. The company
was under command of Capt. Foreman. Col. Lynn solicited
him not to pass the narrows, that there was
(cont below) |
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THE GEORGE
ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Page 9 of
transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
great danger in passing
there, and if he would insist on going through the narrows he
would not go with him. You also wanted to know his age I would
judge that he was about forty-five or forty-six by my father’s
age. He was the next eldest child to him. He had six living
children. His wife he lost. You also wanted to know my age. I
was born in Sept. the 23rd 1766.
Your friend,
Andrew Lynn
[Editor PJB’s note: There
is a "P.S." in different handwriting - very shaky, very
hard to read. Believe this "P.S." was actually written by
Andrew Lynn, and the above was dictated to someone who
then wrote it. See the bottom of this page for L.C.D.’s
transcription of it.]
[p. 17a] Memo by
L.C.D. 6th March ‘45: It must have been on Pohatcong creek (see
American Atlas) Warren Co. N. J. where Col. Wm. Linn
was born & the year about 1736 - about 1753 when 17, moved
to Washington County Md.
The P. S. on preceding page is thus: "I think there is a mistake
with respect to there being a man at the battle of Grave Creek
of the name of Linn -- I am well satisfied it is an error. I
am well assured confidant that there were none in this
country [of our name] only my father’s connection. The
mistake has taken its rise from the death of my brother John
Linn who was killed by the Indians sometime after the battle
at Grave Creek. --- Col. Wm. Linn crossed over the hill
from Grave Creek, and when he heard the firing
commence he ran down till he met a man with his thigh broken and
assisted him up the hill and left him till he returned
two days after. A. L."
[p. 18] - [Editor PJB’s
note: Very difficult to read and transcribe.]
Fayette County
Pennsylvania, April 8, 1845.
Dear Sir, I received your
Letter of the 8 of March Stating some more interogatives as
respects my uncle Col. William Linn & some other
Questions you ask me the birth of my father he was born in 1732
you wish to know wheather Col. Linn was in Braddocks
Defeat, I think he was not; he was [with] some other servis ---
you ask me wheather he was with any of the Later campaigns; he
was with Genl. Forbes at the Loyal Hanna, 1758 -- but I
don’t know wheather he went on to Pittsburgh or not. I think he
was not out any more til the time he was wounded with
McDonald in 1774. 1 can’t say anything about the
Circumstances of the battle nor whare it took place; you want to
know Capt. Foreman’s first name. I most abel to say if I
did have knowledge I forget --- you want to know what Foreman
was doing at Grave Creek Narrows they was at the flats a
short Distence below the narrows to Discover if any Indians had
Crosst over the Ohio or Prowling about the Neighborhood --- they
campt at the flats about one Mile below the Narrows, and on
their return to Wheling they were defeated --- there was but one
man with Linn when he went over the hill, but I can’t
call his name --- when they heard the frong [throng?] they ran
down the hill until they met the man that had his thigh broke;
they then returned with the wounded and assisted him over the
hill & secreted him in a tree & left him some bisket & said he
would return in two days; he then went to Wheeling & returned
within the time he had for his return agreeable to this promise
he said it was with Great Deficulty he could - any time to go
for the man that was wounded at the Distence nine miles &
Expecting to meet with the Indians Every moment ---- you ask me
the facts respecting my brother John Linn being kild by
the Indians he was a spy sent out by the State & was kild on
White Woman’s creek in Ohio in 1792; he was Born February 1769.
You ask me if any of the Linn Conection was Hd besides my
Brother; there was a younger brother of Col. William Linn
kild in Ken- .. (cont below) |
Index
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LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page
10 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
...tucke. I cannot
say wheather before he was kild or shortly after --- you
inquire wheather his wife Died before or after the
Deaths of her husband; Col. William Linn had two
wives one Died in Pennsylvania; then married again &
what became of her I know not. [p. 19] - You Inquire
wheather I was aquainted with James & William Harod
& Col. Williamson. I new Williamson
& I think he Died in 1803 & wheather he left
any children I am not able to say --- you want to know
when Col. Linn movd from Maraland to the
Mongahela I think in the year 1769 or 70. --- Sir you
with preceive the dificulty I Labor under to write; my
nirves is So weak & trembling that with Dificulty you
will be able to read the above.
Andrew Linn
[p. 20] - [Editor
PJB’s note: Very shaky writing, very difficult to
transcribe.]
[To:] Lyman
Draper [From:] Andrew Lynn] My worthy friend
I received your Letter of the _ _; you wish to know
which was the oldest my father or Col. William Linn
father was the oldest child; William next,
then Nathan; then Benjamin. Nathan was
kild by the Indians in Kaintukke & Bengmen the youngest
Died I think about 30 years since on Green river in
Kentucky. I have no Distinct recollection of the Defeat
of Capt. Foreman as respects the two I can
assertain the date very Easy; their is a monument
standing on the ground whare the battle took place with
the Captains name, number held & date or time it took
place but I cannot recollect the Date at this
time as I have not seen it for several years. My brother
John Linn was kild I think on the 19th of October
1792, he was then in the imployment of the Government as
a Spy & his only companion & as a spie was John
Crawford was with him when kild, they never
separated when in the woods they could not a been in the
company you mention; there was 5 in Company when Linn
was kild --- Crawford, Bigs, Hedge, Linn the
other I can’t name; was a John Linn at the attack
on Whelin in 1777; it could not be my Brother at that
time he did not exceed nine years of age being born in
1768 & I am well satisfied that there was none of the
name of Linn in this Section of Country at that
time only our Connection ---- their must be a mistake as
respects John Linn being at Wheeling when
attacked by the Indians --- I know _____ Simon Gurty
I have always from others understood that he
was of a very Distinctive Connection & family & was
the Event Their of a Savage Disposition he lived
before he joined the Indians on the Allgany above
Pittsburgh but whar come from I have no knowledge ---- I
will write to a frend at Grave Creek to ascertain the
Date of Forman’s Defeats & communicate it to you;
Skoolcraft name of the man that had his the [sic]
broken; at the Defeat was
Joseph Cappeles.
July 27, 1845 From
your friend Andrew Linn
[p. 21] - [PJB:
Very shaky, very hard to read.]
[To:] Lyman
Draper, Philadelphia, Pa.
Fayette County
Pennsilvania [From: Andrew Lynn] 20 Sept 1848
My worthy friend,
I received your letter of the 30 of August which gave me
great satisfaction to hear from you & that you are well
& able to attend to the of your work --- you Say you
have no Evidence of George Rogers Clark being out
in McDonald’s Expedition; he was out in
Dunmore’s Campaign in 74 in the Right wing of the
army; G. McDonald Commanded that part of the
troops, Clark was with him. Wheather Clark
was at the Wapatomia town or not I cant say --- There
was whare Col. Wm. Linn was wounded... (cont
below) |
Index
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THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Page
11 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
might a been there
then; he returned to Virginia in the fall of
Seventy-four & early in Seventy-five went to Kentucky
--- you ask me if I have any knowledg when Bald Eagle
was kild Durrding the mongohala river; I am
Satisfied it was in the fall of 72 or Early in the
Spring of Seventy three whare their old Chief died I
have no knowledge; as to the Ohio Destroying a Small
Indian Settlement, at Bufltown, I have no recollection
of the trans- action if it was the case ---- [L.C.D.
note.- Bulltown destroyed -- see Withers at Bulltown]
again as Respects to George Rogers Clark I think
from Cercumstances within my knowledge which would be as
Gentry to relates, that Clark was never
Sent to the Indian town as a Spie; I have heard him
relate to my father, I believe, all the transactions of
his Life in this western Cuntry & never heard him Say
anything on that Subject ---
as Norfells.
Col. Edward Cook -
he has no children
Living, & I think from my knowledge he was only a
Molisha Col. & was never in the Regular Serves in the
Revolutionery Wars, nor before at that period. I have
anserd all the Interogeterys sent me as far as I have
any Knowlige; there is Service of you I gathered after
that I never once heard of, I am well & would be happy
to here from you.
Respectfull from
your friend Andrew Linn |
Index
-- Top
LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page
12 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
Interview With
Andrew Linn, son of Andrew Linn, Jr, Cookstown, Pa.
[p. 22] Col.
Wm. Linn of Ky
From Andw. Linn
(a nephew) Cookstown, Pa.
Born in Maryland
23 Sep 1766, now Oct. 6,1845
The father of
Col. Wm. Linn, (Andrew Linn) was brought to this
county from Ireland by his parents, in the year 1701,
when a child at the breast; and the family settled on
the Muskonekonk in New Jersey. (Andw. Linn, my
informant says it is a mistake about his ancestors first
settling on Long Island -- he has often heard his father
and kin speak of Muskonekonk* and Pohatkonk* but the
former the most, and hence is quite certain that
it was there where his ancestors settled.)
There Andw. Linn, Sr. when he grew up, married,
raised six children -- two daughters, names not
recollected, one of them married a John Polk &
emigrated to Carolina, to the neighborhood or region
of Mecklenburg -- then Andw. (the father of my
informant) born in 1732; then Col. Wm. Linn, born
in 1734; then Nathan born in 1736; & the youngest
[cont. on p. 22a]
*Note in margin:
Musconetcong Creek or river flowing on the western
boundary in Adams Co. & Huntington into the Delaware,
New Jersey - has a fine valley - the stream nearly 40
miles long. Pohatcong Creek in Warren Co. New Jersey, a
fine stream with a fertile valley - the creek of 23 or
24 miles, flowing into the Delaware 8 or 9 miles below
Philipsburg. These two streams, nice parallel with each
other, not very far apart as shown by map of New Jersey
in Gardon's History and Topography of New Jersey.
Musconetcong ranqe of Jersey are in the
East of Musconetcong river and extend well up on that
border of the valley.
[p. 22a] re:
Col. Wm. Linn Benjamin, born in 1738. These
children, raised on a frontier, had but very limited
opportunities of education. Andw. Linn, the Elder
lost his wife, and subsequently, about 1750, emigrated
with his family to the western fron- tier of Maryland,
near where Fort Frederick on the Potomac was
subsequently erected about half way between Hancock and
Hagerstown, about 3 miles below Licking Creek. With
Andrw. Linn, came his brother Thos. Linn and
family. During the French war, Thos. Linn was
killed by a party of Indians, scalped his son Thomas
and took captive his son Isaac and carried
him off to the Delaware Towns; Captain John was
the leader of the Indians --- Isaac was not over
10 years old when taken and kept 12 years before he was
restored to his people. Thomas from the effects
of being scalped, went blind and lived many years,
without ever recovering his sight.*
Andw. Linn, the elder, in his old, age went to Ky,
to his youngest son's Benjamin, on Green river,
where he died in 1800, aged one hundred. [Note at bottom
of page*: See Crawford Papers, p. 79]
[p. 23] Col.
Wm. Linn took part in Braddock War*
He went to
reconnoiter Fort Duquesne, swam the Monongahela, made
observations, returned and reported to Gen. Braddock.
This was a long, tedious and perilous enterprise; &
none but a brave and hardy frontierman would have
undertaken it. He was not in the fatal defeat of
Braddock; he was then, it is thought, on some other
service, either with Dunbar or at home protecting
his own kinsmen....(cont below) |
Index
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T HE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Page
13 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
...Shortly after
Braddock's defeat, Col. Thos. Cresap [Note in
Mss.:(See Jacob's life of Cresap p. 29)] went on a scout
- Wm. Linn was of this party - and pursuing
Braddock's trail, nine miles of Cumberland, and
about one mile south of the present Frosttown and as
they had passed over to the western base of Savage
Mountains where a party of Indians were discovered, &
Cresap's party treed and the firing commenced
- young Cresap was killed as Mr. Jacob's says;
but Wm. Linn always claimed shooting the Indian
as he aimed at the red shot pouch across his breast, and
it was [p. 23a] discovered that a ball passed through
the strap into the Indians breast. The Indians then
fled.
In Col. Cresap's affair at the Negro Mountain
[Note in Mss.: Jacob, p. 301, Col. Linn's elder
brother Andw., took part; & would have killed an
Indian but for the flashing of his gun. During the
troubles of the French war, the Linns took shelter at
Fort Frederick; a part of the time at Stoddart's Fort,
half a mile west from Hancock, on the second bank of the
river; and while there, Thos. Linn was killed,
one son scalped & another captured -- and at another
period, forted at Col. Cresap's fort at Oldtown.
When Oldtown was attacked, Wm. ?Necloer?,
a merchant, had a store a little distance from the fort;
& in fleeing to the fort, he was killed just over the
bridge of the millrace, on the fort side. One of the
Cresaps [had] taken shelter behind a large black stump,
& while an Indian [was] behind a small tree which did
not fully screen him, & loading his gun, young Cresap
shot him in the hip - he did not [p. 24] get away.
The Indians left immediately. Killbuck did
secrete himself under the bridge, as Mr. Jacobs
says, and there got wet by a woman squatting on the
bridge - my informant, has often heard his mother
mention this, then being in Cresap's Fort.
Note in margin:
*The Mss. Shelby Papers show a muster roll of Capt.
Alexr. Beall's company, Lieut. Evan Shelby -
raised around Fort Frederick and doing duty on ranging
service during the summer and autumn of 1757 - and
Wm. & Andrw. Linn were privates. As the next year,
1758, Evan Shelby commanded a company, it is safe
to conclude that Wm. Linn was a member of it &
then, as stated, by Andw. Linn's note, swam the
Monongahela to make observations. [L.C.D. note: P.S.
Another muster roll of Capt. Evan Shelby's
company of June 1758, shows Wm. and Andrw.
Linn's names, these two equipped with each a
tomahawk, blanket, leggings and moccasins. The whole
company were "volunteers." Danl. Linn was also in
Shelby's company and equipped in the same manner.
When Kilbuck left, [he] took with him a live
heifer calf to the Mingo Bottom; and my informant has
seen persons who subsequently drank milk from this cow.
On another occasion, while the people at Oldtown were
hauling with two or three teams from the river, they
were attacked by Capt. John's party, the horses
broke loose and ran-off - Capt. John was wounded,
his arm badly broken - & the whites escaped without
injury. Young Isaac Linn1 was
then with the Indian party. This was in the morning; and
Capt. John and his party started immediately back
for the Indian towns, and reached Tittles place, near
the present Frosttown, some 24 miles that night.
[p. 24a] Col. Wm. Linn - Services -
Linn was out, in 1758, Gen. Forbes's campaign;
but no particulars; and was most probably in Evan
Shelby's company, & if so was in the affair at Loyal
Hannings.
1. Editor's note:
Stoddart's Fort. Young Isaac Linn was the boy who was
carried off by the Indians when they attacked... (cont
below) |
Index
-- Top
LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page
14 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
He early married
in Western Maryland, by whom he had six children,
Drusilla, Theodocia or Dorcas, Wm., Cid,
Rachael and Benjamin. The two eldest of the
girls early married in Kentucky - one to a Ruddell -
and both with their families were taken at Ruddell's
Station; & my informant does not know when nor how they
ever got back, if at all. All are probably now dead.
Cid2 was a pilot at the Falls of Ohio,
and was there drowned; and Wm. went to Missouri.
About 1769 both
Andw. and Col. Wm. Linn emigrated to
the Monongahela, and Wm. settled a plantation where
Cookstown now is and Dr. Wm. J. Lynn says
merchandised there. Here he lost his wife, and in '79
returned to Maryland, and again married, but without
issue - Probably in Ky. when his first wife died.
In '74 Wm. Linn
joined Maj. McDonald, and went to the ?Neappotonica?
town and in the affair was wounded in the shoulder.
This probably prevented him from going out with [p. 25]
Dunmore shortly after.
When the
Revolution broke out, he marched to Williamsburg, as
Lieutenant of Capt. George Gibson's rifle company
and with Gibson went to New Orleans for ammunition, with
two keel boats and about 25 men. No incident recollected
on their down trip. Somehow Gibson was detained -
and Linn was left to get up [the river] with the
powder. In laying the necessary supplies, Andw.
McClure, the commissary, neglected to to lay in the
proper supplies, and he and Linn fell out and
McClure left the party; & Linn took upon himself to
attend to this matter. On the way up [the river], the
men were troubled with sickness from exposure &
hardships; & at the mouth of [the] Ozark, Linn
sent a messenger to go by land to the Spanish commandant
at St. Louis, imploring [him for] said
provisions - probably men also; but upon after
reflection Linn began to fear, that as the
Spanish were not then known as friends to the American
cause, that they might attempt to intercept the American
party; and Linn and his party concluded that they
would make every exertion and sacrifice to pass the
mouth of the Ohio - where aid was solicited [p. 25a] to
meet them - previous to the time appointed for that
purpose; & this, by dint of great toil, and suffering,
they accomplished some 3 or 4 hundred miles. It was
subsequently learned that they thus escaped an attack,
and perhaps captivity and death; for a party of Indians,
doubt- less sent by the Spanish, went, at the appointed
time, and missed the object of their design.
At last they
reached the Falls of Ohio - no one residing there then
-- & there carried the powder by hand, and dragged up
the boats over the rocks and shoals. The powder was
safely delivered at Pittsburgh -- These facts, my
informant learned from his uncle Col. Linn,
from his parents, and from James Laughlin one
of Linn's party, who lived near Brownsville, and
subsequently went to Ohio.
Grave
Creek Affair - Capt.
Foreman's, where from, not known. Linn,
very likely, like Foreman, went with a
company to the relief of Wheeling, after the siege in
1777. Linn, with a part of his company, united
with Foreman, & went to Grave Creek - &
Foreman & his party camped with their [p. 26] fires
burning (my informant thinks, at the block house,
near the Big Mound) & Linn and some others
retired. Next morning, on their way back to Wheeling,
Foreman went through the Narrows, against the advice
of Linn who thought it a dangerous pass. No
recollection about the trinkets. The most of Linn's
own men seemed to prefer remaining with Foreman.
And when they were all suddenly attacked, six of
Linn's men were killed, viz. George Avery, Thos.
Brazier, Wm. Williams, Hugh Clark, John Polk, and
one other; and Harry Castleman, another of
Linn's men below, in running up the hillside so
exerted and strained himself that he for a short period
was blind, but blundered along as well as he could until
his sight came again to him -- he
escaped.
2. Editor's note:
"Cid" was the nickname of Asahel Linn. |
Index
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THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Page
15 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
Very likely
Linn and his four companions had fired on the
Indians, who fled; & about halfway down the hill,
Linn and one of his men came upon John Cullens
with his thigh broken; and they took him up the hill
and some distance back, and hid him [in] a tree top -
and left him, Linn promising faithfully to [p.
26a] return with a party and convey him away. Cullens
feared he would not, but Linn pledged his
word; and then Linn put off for David Shepherd's
Fort, on Little Wheeling, about eleven miles from the
battleground and in the evening night, Linn
returned with a party and conveyed Cullens to
Shepherd's Fort. This taking him to Shepherd's
Fort, is what Cullens himself has stated. When Linn
first left Cullens, he gave him some biscuit.
The fight was
above at the upper end of the Narrows, where the river
approaches the hill, where the bottom is not over six
rods wide; & fully two miles above the mouth of Big
Grave Creek. Along the left on the river bank, the path
was skirted with a thick growth of willows, buckeyes and
paw paws - behind which the Indians were posted; & very
likely others may have been in a sink hole on the right.
In all 22 were killed, including
Foreman.
Illinois Campaign
Linn
joins Clark & had
some command assigned him. In marching to Kaskaskia the
provisions gave out 3 days before reaching there, and
the men had to subsist on black berries of which there
were [p. 27] a great abundance & Linn had to urge
the men along, who half starved, stopped to pick the
ripe fruit. So Col. Linn told my informant.
During the winter
of '78 and '79, Linn may have remained at the
Falls and perhaps in command there, and my informant
thinks he was not at the taking of Vincennes, in Feb.
'79. It was probably early in '79, that Linn went
to Md and married his second wife and went to Ky with
his family and settled Linn's Station on
Beargrass in the fall of that year.
1775 Omitted [sic]
- In the summer of 1775 Wm. and Andw. Linn,
Thos. Brazier and others, went to Ky and made
tomahawk improvements on the waters of Licking, within a
mile of where Mt. Sterling now is - on the stream,
perhaps Hinkston. There locations were
subsequently obtained by others and retained.
In '80, Col.
Linn's two married daughters were captured at
Ruddells Station; and Linn commanded a regiment
on Clarks campaign of that year.
His station was 12
miles from Louisville and when alone, on his way to the
latter & a mile from [p. 27a] his station, seeing a pair
of new shoes in the path, dismounted to pick them up, &
was shot by Indians in am- bush. It was said, that the
evidences on sight indicated that the Indians had had
quite a scuffle with Linn, etc.
Col. Linn
was about 5 feet 9 inches,
heavily formed, dark complexion, black hair and dark
eyes - a handsome, round faced, good looking man; of
social habits - not over 170 lbs.
His sons Wm.
and Cid were captured together with two lads of
the name of Brashears, near Louisville, while out
duck hunting; and all four were taken to the Indian
towns, & kept perhaps a year, when one day, the Indians
who claimed them was out on a hunt with his Squaw along.
Before day, while the Indian and Squaw were asleep,
Wm. Linn fixed the old Indian's gun and had his
brother Cid at a signal to pull the trigger, the
gun aimed at the Indian's head while he with the
tomahawk would dispatch the Squaw. At the signal each
performed his part; when all [p. 28] the boys, the
Brashears probably the youngest, started for the
Ohio, one hundred miles, and very fortunately struck the
Ohio a mile above the Falls - made a small raft with
sticks, & ...(cont below) |
Index
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LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
Page
16 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
passed over.
Wm. Linn, pursuing behind and pushing it over. This
was at some period between 1781 and 1789 at which latter
year my informant was at the Falls, and this event
happened some years before; for at this latter period
Wm. was a man grown. My informant thinks it was about
1782 or '3.
*Note in margin:
"Cid must have been Asahel Linn, father of
Lewis F. Linn, senator from Missouri.
Benjamin
Linn - About the time
his brothers settled on the Monongahela in 1769,
Benjamin also came west and devoted himself to
hunting & rambled off and lived much of his time with
the Indians, until the breaking out of hostilities with
the Indians. About '76 he went to Ky and was at
Harrodsburg during the troubles of the Spring of 1777,
when Pendegrass was killed. A party went out from
the fort to a cabin nearby and Linn seeing some new
rifles [p. 28a] standing beside it, cautioned his
companions to beware of them, as they were a trap; the
enemy secreted, then commenced the attack, as their
stratagem had failed; Linn shot an Indian dead, &
standing up, threw himself upon the ground on his back,
seizing the dead body of the Indian upon him, and in-
stantly took off the scalp and jumped up, well knowing
he would be shot at, & amidst a shower of bunets got
off, when he happened to tread upon a frozen hump and
hurting a cancer-wart tumbled him over at full length;
the Indians thinking they had killed him, raised the
yell of triumph; but he was soon up and beyond their
reach.
The Turnip Patch
Affair - One day
Linn sitting in a cabin door mending his moccasins,
saw the cattle (probably in the morning) as they reached
the corner of the fence, the cattle one by one would
jump off one side alarmed; which Linn &
the others well understood indicated that Indians were
secreted there in the weeds; The men in the fort, in
three different parties went out [p. 29] of the rear
gate and fell upon the rear of the Indians, each party
killed an Indian, thus three Indians were killed; the
others fled; leaving behind their guns, tomahawks &
packs, etc. and were sold at auction & brought quite a
little amount & Linn bought a tomahawk at the
sale. Thus, Ben. Linn told these two affairs to
my informant & his father [Note by L. C. D.: - If there
were three parties, & each killed an Indian, then
Clark, Jas. Harrod, and James Ray must each
have been in different parties, as it is said each
killed an Indian.]
Spy to Illinois
- with a Harrod
(& probably one other person at Clark's instance,
went to Illinois to make discoveries. They went as far
as Cahokia where they were suspected as being spies from
Ky., from the fact that they wore white wool hats as
many of the Kentuckians then did; but a friend, an
American, then living there, told it being at time of in
of them to seek that [p. 29a] opportunity to effect
their escape or they would be killed, and told them
where they would find his canoe. They put off over the
river (if Kaskaskia, then across the Kaskaskia) & soon
found themselves pursued by Indians, and put off and
were three days followed; & on the night of the third
day, they reached a prairie about fifteen miles across -
they ran at their best speed, and got beyond the reach
of their pursuers. This may have been Kaskaskia where
Linn and Co. went to spy, etc.
Linn
married at Harrodsburg a
Sovereigns. In the French war, Wm.
Sovereign and several children were taken prisoners
on the South Branch of Potomac by the Shewanoes and old
Sovereigns perhaps killed. Two of the boys, it is
believed, remained with the Indians. One of the girls
Linn married.... (Cont below) |
Index
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THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Page
17 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
No Linn -
Linn & two others were out with him
hunting - & one night when all were to meet at camp,
Linn failed [to appear]; & being camped on a knoll,
it was called Knoll-Linn or No Linn. Hence the name of
the stream. [p. 30] Linn got lost and wandered
off into some of the settlements.
The last my
informant heard of his uncle Ben Linn, he had
moved somewhere to the Green river, and was living in
1805, since which he had not heard; nor does he know
anything of his family. Don't know whether he went out
on any of Clark's campaign or not.
Ben. Linn
was of ordinary size, light
made, fair completion.
Col. Jas.
& Wm. Harrod lived on Ten Mile Creek, in what is
now Green County Pa.
Gen. Charles
Scott - Gen. Scott told this narrative to my
informant. That he & two others were sent to reconnoitre
& spy Fort Duquesne prior to its falling into the hands
of the English - probably started from Cumberland.
Scott & his two companions secreted themselves on
Coal Hill, on the Western shore of the Monongahela,
opposite to the Fort, & there waited to take a prisoner
- the chief object of their enterprise. At length, after
[p. 30a] patiently watching some time, they spied a
couple of Frenchmen making over in a canoe, evidently
going out hunting - when they landed, the two Frenchmen
separated & Scott & his companion gave
them chase, but the fugitives were too smart - both
reached the canoe & put off. Scott failing in
this, & knowing it wd. not do now to remain longer, put
off, & never relaxed their flight until a mile up
Redstone creek from its mouth, & at an ancient mound on
the southern bank, where Scott shot down a large
buck, & running up to stick it, the animal gave a strong
kick with one of its hind feet, catching the foot in the
bosom of Scott's shirt & sending him headlong
nearly two rods. A portion of the meat was quickly
jerked, a hasty meal eaten; & then pushed on to the
little island in the rough where Smithfield now is; &
while resting or eating there, the Indians hove in
sight, & Scott & his companions again
hastily retreated, & saw no more of their pursuers.
Scott reported at Cumber- land - & probably for this
was made Ensign. Scott pointed out to my
informant the mound where he killed the [p. 31] deer -
this was while Scott lay at Redstone sometime for
the water to rise, about 1785 or 6.
Siege
of Wheeling - My
informant thinks there certainly were two sieges. In
the siege of '77, after Girty, & his
band had left, it was discovered by the inmates of the
fort, that very many of the pickets were very much
rotted & decayed; & that it would have been an easy
matter for the Indians to [have] pushed them down, had
they known it, & rushed into the fort. In the other
siege, one morning two white men & a negro named
Lunen Derry (belonging to Maj. McCullough)
went out from the fort onto the hill, to look for some
cattle, & were fired on - one of the white men killed;
the others escaped to the fort. The fight now commenced.
An Indian ventured up & took shelter in an unoccupied
cabin -- Lunnen crept out of the fort, & shot the
Indian. The Girty siege was the most important -
[Note by L.C.D.: McKiseman] [p. 31a] says the
27th Sept. was the date of the Wheeling attack, etc. The
Memorial stone* [* at Grave Creek says it was the 25th
Sept.] the Massacre of Foreman's men took place &
this founded on Withers' statement. Now
Withers says, that Foreman left Wheeling 26th
Sept. & next morning - i.e. 27th - attacked. (--- Query
- may not the man who says he was wounded ?ride?
McKisemans statement in Am Pioneer have been
wounded at Grave Creek, & not Wheeling?)
Williamson's
Campaign -
Wm. Johnson (an uncle of my informant) was out, &
was one of the number who tried to have the Indians
saved; & subsequently tried to save a small Indian boy &
girl & take them home with him -- but this was not
permitted. |
Index
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LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page
18 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
Crawford's
Campaign -
"Nichols & Glover & Jonathan Zaine,
piloted them to the Sandusky Plains." Another verse of
the old ballad, recollected by Mr. Andw. Linn is
-- "The brave Major Brenton, the third in
command, In front of the battle so boldly did stand,
With courage & conduct his post did maintain, ____ the
bullets did settle like hail in a rain." This Maj.
Brenton had not long [p. 32] before come to
Washington County & lived on Pike run. Brenton
survived the battle. Perhaps his first name was
Joseph -- but more likely this was the name of a
brother who lived on Pike run, near Greenfield, abt. 4
ms above Cookstown. About 1786, shortly after going to
Kentucky, he was killed by the Indians near the mouth of
Eagle Creek on Ky river.
It was said that
the tree behind which Col. Williamson fought, had
17 bullets shot into it -- that Williamson urged
Crawford when he first reached the neighborhood
of Sandusky, to push on before the Indians could
collect. My informant gives Williamson full
credit for all his military affairs, & thinks such was
the opinion of all who knew him -- he was as much
respected as any man of his day.
Williamson's
Campaign -
Addenda - When the army reached the Moravian town, some
of the clothing of children of the family of Hawkins
- some of whom had, not long before, been killed on
Buffalo Creek, was [p. 32a] discovered and identified.
One Miller on Buffalo, in the neighborhood of
Hawkins, had been taken prisoner about the time that
the Hawkins child or children were killed; &
Miller escaped from his captors the first night.
Miller said the Indian who took him had a large
notable sear on his temple, & if among the Moravian
Indians he would be known by this mark; & when the
Indians were examined one was found with a handkerchief
tied over his forehead -- & when this was removed the
scar was plainly exhibited, & the Indian recognized.
These were circumstances that went far to excuse the
rash & bloody conduct of the men under Williamson.
Jacob Wetzel
-
was a small, swarthy man; &
understood that he was with Capt. Brady on his
trip to Sandusky. In '86 appeared to be about 30.
JohnWetzel
– was he youngest
of the brothers, & when my informant saw him in '89, he
seemed to be not over 20, of fair complexion.
Lewis
Wetzel -
My informant never saw him; well
recollects the [p. 33] substance of the antidote about
his running & loading & killing several Indians, etc. -
that Wetzel went down to New Orleans was
apprehended for passing counterfeit money -- of its
character he was ignorant -- & was sent to the Spanish
mines in Mexico.
Old
John Wetzel -
Recollects that he was killed by the Indians; an old
Dutchman, & always boasted that he was bullet proof,
etc.
Col.
David Roger -
The first knowledge my
informant has of Rogers, he lived at or near Old
Town, Md.; & he thinks Rogers shortly before going to
New Orleans, married the widow of Capt. Michael
Cresap, of Logan Memory; & that Rev. John
J. Jacobs married the same widow subsequently.
Rogers when killed was about 30 ... (cont below) |
Index
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THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Page
19 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
years old -- left
no children. He was about 6 feet, heavy formed, & much
marked with small pox -- rather rough looking. Does not
think Col. Linn was with him at his defeat &
don't recollect of Rogers moving into the Wheeling
region. Recollect the substance of that adventure.
[p. 33a] John
Linn, the brother of my informant unusually active &
swift on foot & very useful in woods, was born 20
February 1769 --- was spy around Wheeling with John
Crawford and Crawford was out with him in
the, fall of 1792, when Linn, Hedges and Biggs
were killed -- probably on Will's creek as
McDonald says. No recollection about Linn's
being sick. Crawford said, that the Indians did
creep in the stream, and shot into the camp, etc. My
informant entirely discredits the story of their getting
horses - never before heard it.
Just eleven days
after this defeat (which probably occurred Oct. 19th
1792) a party reached the spot, from Wheeling, with
Crawford to pilot, to bury the dead. No signs of the
bodies being mangled - saved scalped; [Note in Mss.: See
"Disinterments" in List Advr. Sept. 6, 18501 and
Linn's was as limber and unstiffened as though he
had just died - not so the others. Crawford lived
& died on Muddy Creek, Green Co. PA about 1835.
Blue Lick
- John Morgan, a
distant connection of my informants father, was captured
at the Blue Licks, & subsequently related the
circumstances in the hearing of my informant. That after
the defeat, when the retreat commenced, he fled to the
ford, & there had great difficulty [p. 34] in crossing,
so many were there & the Indians shooting at them, &
some were killed around him in the water; at length he
got over, & finding himself exhausted he threw himself
behind a log - & seeing an Indian making toward him - he
raised his hat partly above the log on a stick when his
pursuer shot it through; then he got up & surrendered.
Don't recollect how long he was detained, nor the
particulars. A year or two after he visited the
Monongahela region & was at the house of the father of
my informant; & was not then married -- quite a young
man then.
Among the killed
was Wm. McCracken who resided on Glen's Creek,
above Frankfort; My informant knew him, & is confident
he was killed at the Blue Licks, & not the one who was
killed on Clark's campaign of 1782.
Herman Husbands
settled on Turkey
Foot fork of South Logans John Lindse
also a regulator & [p. 34a] recollects before
Whiskey War, seeing Husbands peddling something
-- books, etc.______, ______ something of this kind.
Bryans
Station - When my informant was at Bryan's in 1789,
he pointed out the tree from which an Indian was shot
during the siege -- that when the Indian saw he was
discovered, attempted to descend -- & in doing so, had
to expose to the garrison side of the tree, in order to
get limbs for a fasthold -- & thus was killed.
In the spring of
1786, Wm. and Andw. Linn, John Crawford, Peter
and Wm. Johnson, went [by] canoe up Hocking
about 40 miles, and made some tomahawk improvements on
the western bank and intending to go up to [the] Falls
of Hocking & make others; & on this evening of the 5th
of May a party of 14 Indians, one of them a white man,
commanded by Captain Wolf. It was then a time of
peace, & the white man when questioned upon the subject,
declared there was no danger whatever. The next morning
early, the land locators were to make an early start up
the river. The whites and Indians all [Note in Mss.: *
in 1780 See newspaper ex- ... (cont below) |
Index
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LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page
20 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
tracts 1785, Small
Size p. 181 [p. 35] camped together -- and next morning
when all were up and the whites about starting --- with
the guns of both parties standing stacked around a tree
all night -- the Indians seized the guns, and others
with their tomahawks -- one of the Indians sent his
tomahawk at Peter Johnson and struck him on the
back of the neck and partly stumbled him -- in which
kneeling position the white renegade shot him and grazed
through the skin along his back ran up the river a piece
& swam the river. At the first foray, Wm. Linn
jumped into the river at the camp and swam it amid a
shower of bullets & as [he] merged on the opposite shore
& was wading out, a ball entered his left arm at the
elbow ranging down towards the hand, and shattered one
of the bones -- he escaped.
*Note at bottom of
page: in 1780 See newspaper extracts 1785, Small
Size p. 19
Crawford
was taken prisoner; while
Wm. Johnson & Andrew Linn ran down the river
separately & swam the river -- Johnson not far
below, & Linn [p. 35a] about a mile. Soon after
sun up the two Johnsons & Andw. Linn had
got together [and] traveled down that day to the mouth
of Hocking, having bound up Peter Johnson's
wounds; and [with the] sun an hour high at night4
reached the mouth of the river; and by dark Wm. Linn
arrived -- dressed his wounds. That evening a flat
boat landed there with families of the name of Flynn,
and some single men, intending to have made a
settlement at mouth of Hocking --- with the defeated
men, they crossed the river and went a short distance
down & landed at the mouth of See's Creek on the Va.
side and there the Flynn party made a settlement.
The defeated men
lost all their guns, boat, and baggage; and had it been
light when attacked, the whites [would] have been all
killed or taken. Both parties sat up all night.
It was then
supposed that Ohio would be settled by improvements; but
govt. soon after commenced selling; & those who made
locations, amounted to nothing. A few months after
Crawford got home [p. 36] he was at Sandusky and
other towns. Wm. Linn's wound proved a very hard
[one] & was 18 months in recovering -- he lived until
1844, Jan. 12 in his 81st year (and born 12 Oct. 1763).
Crawford moved to Ky. not known whether living or
not; and the Johnson brothers returned to
Maryland near Hancock, and there lived, & died several
years ago. This was not the John Crawford who was
subsequently out with John Linn and others in
'92.
About the next
year, Captain Wolf with a party of ten others --
eleven in all -- went on a trip to Ky - secreted their
boats up a gut near the mouth of Bracken & went off for
the settlements. A boat coming up the river discovered
the secreted canoes, & gave notice at Limestone - a
party went down and waylaid the canoes, & some went
across the Ohio to cut off the retreat -- & when the
Indian returned, they were fired on, & Capt. Wolf
& eight of his party were killed, & only two
escaped. Kenton was of this party. This was told
my informant by John Crawford as the latter
learned them in Ky.
Note in Mss. at
bottom of the page: (* See p. 469 Collins, Kentucky)
[p. 36a]
Cornelius Washburn Incident - After 1786, a
white man & boy going up Bull Creek in a canoe on the
Indian or northern side of the Ohio, not far from
Bracken when they heard a singular pecking a little
ahead of them on the shore close along which they were
rowing. The man went a shore, left the canoe with the
boy, &
4. Editor's note:
Apparently an hour before sun down. |
iIndex
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THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Page
21 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
crept carefully up
the high bank with his rifle in hand, & when he could
peep over the bank, again the pecking commenced & he
discovered that it proceeded from an Indian who had
clambered up a birch tree something like a dozen feet &
with his tomahawk was cutting or girdling the tree -
evidently to peel off the bark with which to make
himself a canoe. The white man glanced hastily around &
seeing no other Indians in sight rested his gun over the
top of the bank, took aim at a red tape across the
Indians breast to which his knife was suspended & fired
the Indian fell, & the white man darted down the bank,
jumped into his canoe & made off at [p. 37] his best
speed. Shortly after he visited the spot with others --
found the knife & red tape at the foot of the tree, &
the tape cut in two -- followed a trail some little
distance, & found the Indian's body buried with logs,
chunks, etc. [Cornelius Washburn, L. C. D.]
The Tomlinsons
- The old man, perhaps Thomas, may have been a
spy for Braddock, settled at an early day 2 miles
East of the Little Crossings 20 miles west of Cumberland
at a place known as the Little Meadows. The old man had
several sons, Benjn., Joseph, Nathaniel, & Jesse -
the latter was living on the old place in 1841, aged
90 or more. The old man settled a place on Little
Wheeling where his son in law Col. David Shepherd
settled.
Dunbar's Camp - At
the western base of Laurel Hill, Dunbar's men,
about 4 or 5 ms. East of Uniontown.
The Great Meadows
- What is now Mt. Washington where the brick tavern now
stands; was where Ft. Necessity stood. Mr. Linn
recollects seeing the
remains of the Nicketing.
[p. 37a]
Mclntosh's Campaign - Andw. Linn (the father
of my informant) was Pack Horse General & had a brigade
in service carrying supplies when the campaign was
abandoned.
Simon Girt
-
A brother of his, Thos. Girty
lived up the Allegheny from Pittsburg, near the
mouth of French Creek - lived quite respectably.
Symmes
Purchase - In the latter part of Feb. 1789, my
informant Andw. Linn joined Judge Symmes &
aided Col. Ludlow in surveying that spring.
Judge Symmes built the first house at
North Bend; & near the close of March, the lots where
Cincinnati now is were run out by Col. Ludlow, Linn
aiding -- then no house there, only Ludlow's
camp. No name for the place then. Linn left in
May.
Symmes
intended laying out a town perhaps
the town - on the Big Miami, a mile & abt a half
west of the North Bend.
Maj.
Stile - originally from New Jersey,
probably at the the close of the Revolution, settled on
Ten Mile Creek, now Greene Co. Pa. there lost his wife &
went to N. J. to marry again, & then met with [p. 38]
Symmes, & proposed the settlement of the Miami
country. The went together & in the spring of '89 when
Symmes had his camp at the North Bend, Stiles
had his at the mouth of the Lit. Miami.
John Smit
was smart preacher,
raised on the Yough. in the neighborhood of
Col. Crawford.
Col.
David Rogers - Addenda - Robert
Benham lived on the waters of Ten Mile Creek, now
Greene Co. Pa. & in 1789, was residing at Maysville.
Thomas
Chaffin,
of Brownsville, escaped from the
defeat without injury -- my informant knew him
well. Basil Brown (Jr.) was so badly wounded in
his right arm, that he had to learn to write with his
left hand -- he was ever after a cripple. Brownsville
was named after his uncle,
Thos. Brown.
W. B. These notes
taken from Andw. Linn, Oct. 4th, 5th, 6th & 7th 1845. L.
C. D, |
Index
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LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page
22 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
Interview With Dr.
William Johnson Lynn - S of Brownsville, Pa.
[PJB Editor's
Note: Page numbers on the film run differently than
those expressed in the Calendar Guides.]
[p. 38a] Col.
Wm. Linn (From Dr. William Johnson Lynn of
Brownsville, Pa.) My informant had the following details
from John Cullens, on a visit to his fathers,
Col. Wm. Linn6 in ___[blank]___.
Cullens made this visit to Col. Wm. Linn,
expecting to have found in his person the individual
(Col. Wm. Linn of Ky.) who conveyed him (Cullens)
when wounded at the Grave Creek.
Cullens
said, he was one of Foreman's men from East of
the Mountains; that they camped at the Round Bottom
about a mile below the mouth of Grave Creek. The object
of the Scout not recollected. Linn cautioned
Capt. Wm. Foreman against keeping below; but
he said he was not afraid of Indians, but would go that
way; and Linn said he knew better than he,
Foreman, did, about Indian stratagems; he had
discovered indications of an enemy being around.
Linn's men mostly denied to stay with the majority,
and Linn did not coerce them; but himself &
perhaps about four others went up over the hill. Linn
did have a captains [p. 39] command, but
Foreman's party was much the largest. No
recollection about the trinkets. As Foreman's
party emerged from the narrows, where they had been in
single file, they rather displayed to the right and
left, presenting quite a front, and had advanced in the
wide bottom above the Narrows end of the not over two
hundred yards to where a cone breast high jutted from
the retreating hill, and behind this cone the Indians
were posted - and probably others on the left of the
path along the river in the bushes. No enemy was
discovered until suddenly attacked within a few paces of
their ambuscade.
The work of death
was the result of an instant. The survivors fled, some
up the river & others down & yet others up the hill side
- one of the latter, Cullens, when about two
thirds of the way up the hill, was shot by an Indian
below, and had his thigh broken, & just above lay a
large log over [p. 39a] which he threw himself to avoid
a second shot. At this juncture, Capt. Wm.
Linn and the men with him made their appearance
dashing down the hill, whooping and firing, nearly
opposite the Indians, but somewhat below; upon which the
Indians fled to their canoes at hand and put off over
the river. Linn and his Lieutenant came upon Cullens
-- Linn suggests that they convey Cullens
away; the Lieutenant objects that they must first take
care of themselves, as they did not know but the Indians
would reappear. Cullens begged that they would not leave
him; but carry him away from danger. Linn said he
would take him away and asked the Lieutenant to aid him;
and again he objected; then Linn declared warily
to the Lieutenant if he went off without aiding [the]
suffering fellow he would shoot him -- then the Lieut.
reluctantly aided to carry Cullins up & over the hill to
a second ridge, and
5. Editor's note:
The Great-grandnephew of Col. William Linn, according to
the Beatties, authors of the chapters "Pioneer Linns of
Kentucky" appearing in Genealogies of Kentucky
Families, Baltimore: GPC, 1981.
6. Editor's note:
This Col. William Linn was the grandnephew of THE Col.
William Linn and father of Dr. Wm. Johnson Lynn. Andrew
Jr.'s sons were: William who married Mary Crawford;
Andrew III who m Nancy Johnson; John who was killed by
the Indians; Ayers who m Charlotte McFerran; Isaac who m
Jemima Ann (Van) Voorhees.
|
Index --
Top
THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Page
23 of transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
there concealed
him in a fallen tree top. Now Linn gave him some
hard biscuit [p. 40] which Cullens subsequently
said it was with difficulty lie could eat from their
hardness. Cullens had some misgivings that
Linn might not return & he be left to perish;
renewed his importunities for Linn to return
which he faithfully promised to do & would be there by
nine o'clock that night. Linn and his men now
retreated for safety -- but Linn did not himself
go to any settlement; when sufficiently distant from
danger, alone remained & in the evening and a dark one
-- he groped his way back & when he neared the spot
Cullen heard him, but fearing he might be an enemy,
persevered a deathless silence, until Linn came
close by and in an undertone signed for him. Cullen
was a young man about nineteen, weighing fully one
hundred and seventy pounds & Linn took him upon
his back and carried him over a very broken country to
Shepperd's Fort on Little Wheeling -- a distance of
eleven miles and even more by the zig-zag route that [p.
40a] Linn necessarily had to take. It was
sometime the next forenoon that Linn with his
charge reached Shepperds. He had taken Cullens
there instead of to Wheeling, which would have been
some miles nearer & over a level country, as he was
apprehensive that Indians might still be lurking around,
& if so would be likely to intercept the path to
Wheeling.
Roizers Defeat
- My informant Dr.
Lynn, recollects hearing his father and mother speak
of Col. Wm. Linn commanding the rear boat and
escaping -- and that there was a woman and her daughter
in one of the boats, probably Linn's.
Likely Linn may have suspected treachery and
hence kept back.
The Linn Defeat
1786 - On the morning
of their intended departure, Capt. Wolf
approached Wm. Linn, the largest seemed to think
him the leader of the whites, and when in the act
of shaking hands, Wolf attempted to seize or
hold him fast when Linn threw him upon his
face and darted towards [p. 41] the guns - and seeing
some of the Indians had anticipated him in this, he
jumped down the bank into the river –
Peter Johnson
had the Indian hatchet
thrown at him, lodged between his shoulder blades and
thus ran off. When he came up to Wm. Johnson and
Andw. Linn, he desired them to pull it out
- which they did and hastily bound up his wounds, and
pushed on -- reaching the mouth of the river [when the]
sun [was] an hour high When Wm. Linn7came
up, he was pale from the loss of blood -- when swimming
the river, he repeatedly dove and as he would rise the
Indians would Fire at him - but not sufficiently
light to take aim; and as he neared the opposite shore,
& could touch bottom, & was wading, was shot in the arm,
etc.
[p. 41a]
William's Campaign - Capt. Wm. Crawford (who
died in Greene Co. PA near Carmichael town, 23rd Aug.
1826 about 82 years of age - he was on Brodhead's
Choshodon campaign, probably) commanded a company and
sided with those who used their influence to save the
Indians.
Death of John
Linn - Never
heard about the object of the party being to get horses.
Anticipating that Indians were on their trail at night
went up the steam of water to avoid being tracked and
camped -- perhaps it was only the Indians who thus waded
in the stream. No recollection about Linn's being
sick. He had a remarkable dream twice, that lie was shot
directly through the heart & told it. When the Indian
crept up & shot, Linn and John Crawford
were lying under the same blanket & Linn was shot
through the breast. From the fact that his body was
found limber, it would seem that he was not shot dead,
but died of mortification from the wound gangrene. His
body was not mutilated, except being scalped, and some
little disfigured by being eaten by animals.
7. Editor's note:
This William Linn is the son of Andrew Linn, Jr., as
Col. William Linn was killed by the Indians in 1781,
before this event took place, or there is some confusion
as to the year this took place. |
Index
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LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page
24 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
Summary of Bland
Ballard's Statement Concerning Col. William Linn
[p. 42]
Shelbyville, Ky. Apr. 29th 1838
Hon.
John Pope Sir,
Some days since my
brother L. Levis received a communication from
you and more recently one from Doctor Linn8
enclosing another to Major Ballard, relative to
the military adventures and death of Colonel William
Linn. Our court was in session when the letters were
received and my brother being very much engaged - handed
them to me and requested my attention to their inquires,
Major Ballard had not been in town for sometime,
and I supposed he was absent from home, as he frequently
is, but this morning I went to see him and found him
confined to his bed by severe indisposition. I read
Doctor Linn's letters to him, when the old warrior
brightened up at the recollection of the scenes of his
early adventures and stated briefly, but in general
terms what he knew of Colonel Linn. He will be up
in a few days I hope, when I will make it an object of
particular attention to see him and take down all the
particulars he can furnish.
The sum of his
statement to me this morning is this: he was born in
1760 and of course knows nothing of Linn's
adventures during Braddock’s war nor does he
recollect anything of Colonel Linn's going to New
Or- leans in 1776 for ammunition nor whether he was the
first who erected a fort at Louisville. He first
saw and be- came acquainted with Colonel Linn
in 1779 -who was then in charge of the prisoners taken
by General Clark at Vincennes. In 1780 he
belonged to the battalion commanded by Linn at
the battle of Piqua or the Chilicothe towns Ballard
was there badly wounded, and indeed it is from this
wound he is now suffering. He says Linn most
gallantly distinguished himself on that day. On the
return of the expedition Ballard, in consequence
of his wounds, was taken to Linn's station, about
ten miles from Louisville where he remained until
Linn's death.
The death occurred
on the first Monday in March 1781. Note in margin: 5th
March 1781, L.C.D. It seems a considerable party were
going from the Station to attend Jefferson county court
at Louisville. Linn had some business with some
of the court whom he wished to see as early as possible
and started alone.
He had not been
long gone when the report of Several guns was heard at
the station. A party immediately repaired to the place
and found his horse shot down, but could not find
nothing of Linn himself. The search was renewed
the next day and the dead body found one mile from the
station and near the place of residence of the late
Colonel Anderson. No person was with Colonel Linn
when he was killed. It win give me pleasure to
continue the furtherance of Dr. Linn's worthy
purpose, and you may assure him that my brother or
myself will make him a special communication as soon as
Major Ballard's health will allow him to attend
to the matter.
Respectfully, Yo.
Abt. Sert., [sig:l Lloyd
Levis
--------------------
8. Editor's note:
Dr. Lewis F. Linn, son of Asahel Linn, who was the son
of Col. William Linn. |
Index
-- Top
THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 37, Series J, Pages 44-49 Microfilm No. 30
Page 25 of the
transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
Correspondence
Between John B. Gibson and His Brother Gen. George
Gibson
[p. 44] [To:]
General George Gibson
Carlisle, August
21st 1838
Dear Brother, The
letter to fulfill your desire that I would State the
information I have had of the late Colonel Linn's
participation in the expedition to New Orleans during
the revolutionary war, I called upon our brother
Francis Gibson, in expectation of gaining something
from the papers in his possessions but was told that
every scrap on the subject had been given to you.
The principal part
of what I know of Colonel Linn I learned
from his nephew, William Linn, Esqr. a very
respectable magistrate of Fayette county in this state.
I shall probably see him in October and should I obtain
from him a more succinct account of the little I have to
relate, I will immediately impart it. At present I can
only repeat what you have already heard; that in the
summer of 1776, our father Capt. George Gibson,
costumed in the guise of a trader, with a secret mission
to procure a supply of gunpowder from the Spanish
authorities at New Orleans, attended by Lieutenant
Linn and a detachment of his company descended the
river from Fort Pitt to that place through a succession
of adventures, that in narrative more resemble a ?pranc?
of history than the features of sober truth.
The shores of the
Ohio river were lined with hostile Indians, and no white
man before had before at- tempted the voyage. Captain
Gibson having accomplished his mission and having
[p. 45] been released secretly from a prison into which
he had been thrown to remove the suspicion of the
British residents, left Lieutenant Linn in
command of the party. The powder for the Service on the
seaboard was shipped for a Northern port by the agency
of Oliver Pollock, Esqr. an American residing
high in favor with Don Galves the Spanish
Governor, and Lieut. Linn having fought his way
back returned to Wheeling in the spring of 1777, with
the barges containing the supply for the western
campaign.
For this service,
attended as it was with signal benefit, to our country,
as well as extreme peril to those who performed it,
Lieut. Linn as well as Capt. Gibson received
promotion. Like the latter, he eventually attained the
rank of Colonel and like him perished in the Indian
warfare after the close of the revolutionary struggle.
He was killed in Kentucky attempting to reach a secret
new ?degroue? at a place still called No-Linn
Hill a name it acquired from the exclamation of surprise
by the party at not finding him at the spot. Note in
margin, written sideways, over other writing: Thomas
H. Benton; Henry Linn McArthur; Benton Roffing his
Bull. [?????]
As Colonel Linn
was known to be no laggard in enterprises of danger,
his absence fined them with melancholy apprehensions of
the event.
I rejoice to learn
that a descendant of this brave and honorable soldier
fills a high place in the councils of the nation.
[referring to Lewis F. Linn]
It was the fortune
of two officers employed on the expedition to New
Orleans to be out of favor with the colonel of
the time. Though the accomplishment of its object
relieved the country from an alarming emergency, and
though it was affected by great exposure, in action as
well as cleverness in negotiation, it gained them...
(cont below) |
Index
-- Top
LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page
26 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
...pain of
writing, as I have since learned from his published
correspondence, had become insupportable to him, my
letter was not answered. I am glad however to find that,
Doctor Linn [Lewis F. Linn] is attempting
to perpetuate the remaining evidences of it, to which it
would give me pleasure were it, in my, power more
copiously to contribute.
That Lieut. Linn was with the company at the
battle of Long Bridge near Norfolk, as well as the
affair at Hampton, scarce admits of doubt. He marched
with it from Fort Pitt where it was recruited, to
Williamsburg in Virginia ________ before it was led to
the first of its fields where it gave those early
indications of its fighting propensities, which with A
the turbulence in quarters, obtained for it, the
sobriquet of "Gibson's Lambs" which I was told by
President Monroe, it bore until the end of the war.
It was composed of men habituated not only to the
daring, but independence of a frontier life, who
required all the personal influence of their officers to
reconcile them to the restraints of discipline.
[p. 47] - In these
circumstances it is altogether improbable that Lieut.
Linn should at that time be employed on any other
duty.
Your affectionate
brother [sig:l John B.
Gibson
[p. 48]
[To:] Doctor Linn [Lewis F. Linn, U. S.
Senator from Missouri]
Washington
September 7th 1838
My dear Sir:
I have been absent
with our sick friend Doctor Hunt, which will
account for your letter remaining so long unanswered. On
the receipt of your letter, I wrote to my brother,
Banister Gibson, on the subject of the late
Colonel Linn participating in the expedition made by
Captain Gibson to New Orleans in 1776. A copy of
my brother's reply and the only papers I can find among
those sent me, relating to the subject, are herewith
enclosed. I shall make a visit to my brother Francis
Gibson in October and will then make a further
examination of what may remain of my father's papers,
and should I find any of interest, I shad not fail to
send them to you. There is not a doubt of Lieut.
Linn's participating in the battle of Long Bridge
and the taking of the cutter Bigs at Hampton.
I will write you
again soon, or at all events in October.
Ever and truly
your friend [sig:l George Gibson
Doctor Linn Not knowing that any references was
expected to any documents respecting the negotiations
[p. 49] of Colonel Gibson at New Orleans, I have
no opportunity of examining any number of papers for the
purpose; but among some vouchers which I have now before
me for the purpose of assorting I find the following
certificate. viz. I do hereby certify that nine thousand
weight of the powder brought from New Orleans by
Lieut. Linn was delivered to Colonel William
Crawford for the use of the continent.
Signed David Shepperd Lieunt. Ohio
Philadelphia - January 24th 1791 Signed:
William Dorris |
Index
-- Top
THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 37, Series J, 62-70
Microfilm No. 30
Page
27 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
Correspondence
From John Lynn Crawford
[p. 62] [To:]
Lyman C. Draper, Esqr., Baltimore [From:
John L. Crawford]
Carmichael, April
8th 1846
Dear Sir
Yours of the 17th
Jan last was duly reed. I feel that I should make some
appology for not answering it sooner, I wished to see
Mr. Andrew Lynn and Mr. Dickerson of
Washington Co. Pa. the brother of one of the young that
was along when John Lynn was killed, but owing to
the sickness in my family I have not been able to go to
see them, but will endeavor to go in a few days. The
reason why I wished to see those, two old men is ". My
brother Jennings Crawford lives near Mount Vernon
in Ohio and near where John Lynn was killed. A
lawyer in Vernon has been making a collection of
narratives of Indian murders and adventures in the west
with a view to have them published he (the lawyer) heard
of the defeat of the party when Lynn was killed
he pronounced the whole a fabrication although the bones
of the young men lay within 20 miles of the place. After
being assurred that the story was true, he sent for my
brother to come and see him; he desired my brother to
get a true statement of the matter and he would have it
published and that to have the narative believed it was
neccessary to know the object those men had in venturing
so far into the indian country in that inclement season
of the year. I wish to see those old men to get that
information, I will give my recollection of the affairs
as I have often heard my father relate it with other
naratives if you desire them.
My father died in 1831 he was possesed of an unusual
good memory and could recollect perhaps more of the
incidents of the Indian warfare in this part [p. 63] of
the country than any other man in it he was solicited to
write down some of his recollection a few months before
he died he commited to writing, he wrote a number of
narratives of Indian murders that occured here while he
was a boy also an account of the rising and putting down
of the tories in this neighbourhood during the
revolution and also an account of some lawless murders
of Indians in this neighbourhood by the whites. He
(father) was taken sudenly ifl and died in five days
before he had writen anything of which he had
personally taken a part though he was four years
in the service, three years of which he was an Indian
spy for Washington Co. Pa.
I had thought of sending you the narrative left by my
Father but they are intersperced with some party
views and sentiments that would perhaps be
uninteresting. If the matters of fact would be thought
worthy of publication, my brothers and my self do not
wish them published (that is the views and sentiments).
If you wish to have the narratives left by my father I
will send them to you with pleasure -- Mr. Gallatin
lived a long time in this Congressional district and
was the neighbour and friend of my father. I have no
fear in your sending him the manuscript left by father
for his confirmation.
You state in your letter that Grandfather served as a
captain in Col. Shepherds regiment on Col.
Brodhead's campaign. He also served in Gen.
Himers campaign as a captain and was with Col.
Hardin at his defeat on the St. Marys, if you know
anything of this matter you will pies be so good as to
inform me of it.
[p. 64] lf you are
accquainted with any person that was out in Gen.
Harmers campaign and more particularly at Hardins
defeat, you will pleas to inform me of their address.
If any thing should occur that I cannot get to see
Mr. Linn and Dickerson, I will write
to you my own recolection of the affair wherein Linn
was killed.
I fear that I have neglected answering your letter until
it is to late; if so I regret it. If not, I will
endeaver to give any information in my power in the
shortest time in my power. |
Index
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LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS (cont.)
Page
28 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
You will pleas
write as soon as your conveenance will permit. I am very
respectftdly yours,
[sig:l
John L. Crawford
[p. 67]
Carmichael, March 26,1827 Mr. Lyman C.
Draper
Sir, In complyance
with your request I send you the manuscript papers left
by my father, John Craw- ford and also as you
requested a notice of my Grandfather Col. Wm.
Crawford and also of my father after. The date to
which he had wrote it, My father was in the service on
the frontier from 1790 to 1794 the three last years as
an Indian spy and was personally acquainted with many of
the leading men on the frontier of Pa and Va of that day
and the Indian was on there borders he was possessed of
a retentive memory and could relate many of the Indian
murders and depredations which have not been published.
For some years before his death he was often solicited
to write and publish and account of the Indian murders
in this part of the country, but he had a very limited
education and had never wrote anything for the press and
had taken no notes at the time and would have to write
from memory. He hesitated long about it. In the summer
of 1831 he commenced writing. On the 3rd of November of
that year he was taken sudenly iH and died in four days
and had only wrote his narative to 1777, and had not
brought it down to the time he was personally engaged.
My Grandfather was in many of the campaigns that were
sent into what is now the state of Ohio up to 1794 and
was sometimes stationed with a company on the Ohio
river, but I can not recollect them so as to pretend to
give a narative of them. I recollect he was at Harmars
defeat (or rather, Col. Hardins) he killed three
Indians in personal combat on that day. Gen. McArthur
was a private in his company. My father saw Gen.
McArthur in Chilicothe shortly after the last was he
enquired for grandfather and said he would walk 20 miles
to see him for he first lerned him how to stand up and
be shot at & grandfather also commanded a company in
Col. Shepperds [p. 68] regiment in Col.
Broadheads campaign. In returning from some of his
cam- paigns he laid sick at the house of Col. Boone's
in Ky. I have often heard him speak of the kind care
that was taken of him by Col. Boone and his lady
after peace was made with the Indians he remained on his
farm untill he died on the 3rd of August 1826 he was a
member of the Baptist church and the Rev. John
Corbleys congregation he was six feet and one inch
high of great strength and activity and capable of
enduring great fatigue.
Note in Mss.: See
Brackenside's Incidents, p. 116 -- & Findley's
Insurrection, p. 202; also Atwater's Ohio
My father John
Crawford was born Sept 26th 1772 he received common
school education such as was taught in the
neighborhood he remained with his father until he was 18
years of age in the fail of 1779 Grandfather came to him
where he was plowing in the field and told him he
was called on to go against the Indians that he must let
him (grandfather) plow and go and get ready for the
company would march the next morning. When he went to
the house he found his mother and sisters all in tears.
The next morning he started and was in the service
untill peace was made with the Indians. After Wayne
defeated them in 1794 the three last years as an
Indian spy and was often sent to discover the where
abouts of the Indians. He was along with the party when
John Lynn and others were killed. After peace was
made he was employed to go among the Indians to recover
prisoners, several of whom he brought home. He did
considerable of business as a land surveyor and was
appointed by the Governor to do several pieces of
publick surveying. He was often called on by his
neighbours as an arbitrator and acted as Justice of the
peace for nine years before his death which was on the
8th of Nov. 1831.
My recollection of
the affair when John Lynn was killed was that it
had been reported that the Indians had in the fall of
179- [blank] left their town on the Sandusky and gone to
[p. 69] winter on the Wabash and eight young men were
sent to ascertain the truth of the report. They were to
the best of my recollection John Wetzell, John Lynn,
Biggs, Solomon Hedge. _[blank]_ Dickerson.
Two McCulloughs and John Crawford. Lynn
and Biggs were killed and one other I think one
of the McCulloughs. They had proceeded to the
San- dusky planes and found that the Indians were still
there and were returning. On the day before they were
at- tacked, they discovered an Indian dog following
them. They were then certain they had been discovered by
the ...(cont below) |
Index
-- Top
Page 29 of the
transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
THE GEORGE ROGERS
CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Indians. It was thought best by
some of the men that they should make a hard march and
cross the Muskingum river that night, but this was
opposed by Wetzell and as he was the oldest
woodsman among them, they en- camped |
Index
-- Top
LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
Page
30 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
forts, etc. --
when the opposing speaker, an Irishman, who had plead
the cause of the hungry soldiers, ex- claimed, "Faith,
we'll not kill it." but the soldiers said they would
have it over again, & and reverse the speakers. When
Crawford plead the hungry soldiers cause, when the
Irishman then said "Faith we will it." Col. C.
was through not well educated, very happy at speaking.
Rather thinks he
was on the Expedition up the lfls. to Peoria Towns & was
probably on return, sick at Col. Boones; &
when he got home, found a child 5 months old he never
saw before, born during his absence.
Was out with
Brodhead in 1781 - & used his influence to prevent
the Indian captives from being killed. This probably
gave rise to his being with Williamson against
the Moravians -- which he was not.
In his obituary it
was truly said, "he was always first on the trail
& the last to leave it."
John Linn's
death. Col.
Crawford dreamed that they were attacked by Indns &
Linn was shot, & he saw the bullet hole in his
heart; & [p. 72] heard Linn & told him the
dream & alluded to his previous urging the party not to
camp there, but pushed on --- & ought to decamp. Linn
said "Shall go to sleep." Again [he] dreamed the
same thing, but did not again awaken Linn. When
he subsequently returned as the field _____ of the party
to being then dead, he saw poor Linn precisely as
he saw him in his dream --- Crawford was the
reverse of superstitious, & ridiculed everything of the
kind. Crawford & some [others] picked Linns
body up; the wound in the breast --- & only one
wound. Horses was not the object of the party & had none
Wm. Crawford says, a Quaker named Ephm.
Crawford of Fayette, a Tory said they were going
horse stealing, & the result "was good enough for them."
This Tory version must have reached Col. McDonald
whence he erroneously gave it so.
Laughereis
Defeat - Capt.
Thos. Stokely & John Crawford (not related to
Col. Wm. Crawford) were captives -- represented that
Girty interfered in their behalf & befriended
them. Crawford settled in Ky. & has been dead
about 7 years. (Brant instead of Girty was
probably referred to. L.C.D.)
Wm. Spice
-
His sister Betsey was
liberated by the stipulations of Dunmore's Treaty.
William remained until the year after Wayne's
Treaty, when he had an Indian family. His friends in
Green Co. got John Crawford (son of Col. Wm.
C.) to go & bring him in, had some difficulty in
prevailing upon him to come --- then a trader had many
horses - made many excuses among them that the [p. 731
would ride his horses to death. Finally, however, came,
accompanied with an Indian; but the Crawfords &
some others who had lost relatives, in the Indian
Wars, threatened Spicer & his companion &
they returned to the Wyandottes. Betsey married a
man named Bowen, & has been not long
deceased. After Wm. S. returned & settled he got
a cow, but the Indns killed it, not wishing him to adopt
any of the customs of the whites; He submitted to it, &
did not get another. --- Rather think [it] was in Huron
Co. Ohio, he lived.
John Corbly Myers,
(grandson of Rev. John Corbly) of Huron Co.
(Norwalk) can doubtless tell of Spicer.*
Wetzel kills Killbuck -
old John Wetzel asked Capt. Wm. Crawford,
just after the death of the chief, if he was going to
the burying? Whose burying? inquired Capt. C. for
the murder was committed in the night, & this accounting
was early in the morning. "By the Lord, Killbuck
is dead!" said the honest Dutchman.
*Note at bottom of
page: See Notebook, No. 5 small size 1845 p. 29-31 -
there called Wm. Spicer. Howe's _____, p.
459, mentions Spicer as a chief - : See, also,
Indian Treaties in "Indian Treaties"; it was provided in
Sept. 1817, that a Section of land sta. be reserved to
Wm. Spicer, who was taken prisoner by the Indians
& had ever since resided among them, & had married a
Seneca woman; on East bank of Sandusky river.
Another treaty, in
Sept. 1818, Wm. Spicer's Section was referred to
in such a way as to indicate that he was still living.
At the treaty of the Senecas of Sandusky, in 1831, one
of the Senecas was Small
Cloud Spicer. |
Index
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Page 31
THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 37, Series J, Pages 76-77 Microfilm No. 30
Letter From
Andrew Linn, to Lewis F. Linn
A Biographical Sketch of Col. William Linn
[p. 76] My dear
Sir -- I received your kind letter dated Petersburg
1837, which was received with great satisfaction, to
know that I had so near a relation yet in existence, on
my father's side, and have a great desire to see you
face to face. There is nothing more pleasing to me than
to enjoy the presense of my relations and more
especially those I have never had the pleasure to see.
In your address to me you wish to get some information
respecting Uncle William Linn, your grandfather.
His father was born in Ireland and came to America in
1701, with his father and settled there on Long Island,
continued there until married, then moved to New Jersey,
had four sons and two daughters, there lost his wife and
emigrated to the state of Maryland. Colonel Linn
was a spy in Braddock's army, and reconnoitered
fort Duquesne previous to the defeat of the British
army. Settled on the Monongahela, near where Cookstown
now stands and went a campaign against the Indians under
Col. McDaniel, and was there wounded on the
shoulder. He was then commissioned by the State of
Virginia and went to Richmond, continued there a short
time and then was sent to New Orleans with Col.
Gibson by the authority of the above State. When
there Col. Gibson having detained as a hostage,
Col. Linn had to take command of the boat and
cargo and returned in the spring of '77. He went a
campaign with Gen. Clark to the Illinois while
under the Spanish Government, but perhaps you have a
better knowledge of that campaign than I am able to
state.
My dear friend, I
must press you to call and see me on your return to your
place of residence in the spring. On your receipt of
this letter, please write. Direct your letter [p. 77] to
look shown.
Your friend and
relation, January 30: 1838 Andrew Linn
Memo by L.C.D. -
Wod. seem that, very likely, the very powder that
Linn brought from N. O. was used by G. R.
Clark - effecting the conquest of Ills. ---- order
in council, etc. Jan. '78.
Note written on the back of the above letter: Dear Sir:
I send these scanty materials in relation to the acts of
my grandfather, but upon my return, I will fill them up.
In the mean time you can use these as they are.
Yours truly,
L. F. Linn |
Index
-- Top
THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 37, Series J, Pages 105-111 Microfilm No. 30
Page 32 of the
transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
[p. 105]
From: John Chisholm,1
Florence, Ala., Sept. 16,1847
To: Mr. John Barbee
Re: Capt. Benj. Linn
Dear Sir: I rec’d
a letter from Amos Kirkpatrick under date
August 31, 46, in which was inclosed a letter under date
August 17th, signed John Barbee, who I am
informed by Kirkpatricks letter is a son of
Genl. Elias Barbee of Green County Kentucky one of
my best friends in my Boyhood. In you letter I find
there is a Mr. Lyman C. Draper of
Baltimore is engaged in Writing a work, the History of
the Western Pioneers, in which he wishes to get the
necessary information to enable him to do Justice to
Capt. Benjamin Lynn, In Answer to your
Interogetories, so far as I am able I will from
Recollection of myself and wife, Capt. Lynn made
but few memorandoms, he having no education Learned to
Read after he Married, which took place in the year 1779
at Harrods Station now Harrodsburgh, Kty.
Capt. Benjamin Lynn was born in Chester County
Pensylvania of Irish Parents he being the 4th son of
Andrew Lynn, who moved in the Early settling of what
was then calld the Redstone Country on the Monongahala
River near the Redstone Old Fort, whear Capt. B. Lynn
was Raised to manhood. About that time Indian
Traders of Shawna & Delaware Indians visited Fort Pit,
Capt. B. Lynn met with them at that place and
being Raised to Hunting and Very fine Marksman was
decoyed off by the Traders and Indians and Remained with
the Shawna & Delaware, Maumee and Kickapoo Indians four
years. While with them he became well aquainted with all
the French Settlement as well as the Country on the East
and West of the Mississippi River as low down as
Natcheas wheare at that time was a French Settlement
with all the Rivers Runing in the Same as far up as 30
miles as the Indians at some _______ used those streams
as Hunting and Traping [p. 106] for Bearrs. B. Lynn's
Residence with the Indians gave him a fair
opportunity of Speaking the Language of four Tribes the
Shawna, Delaware, Maumee & Kickapoo. Capt. Lynn,
as soon as he heard from the Traders, from fort Pitt,
now Pitsburgh, that the Pensylvania and Virginia Troops
were about to drive the French from the Ohio and
Mississippi River's he Return to his Fathers on the
Monongehala River wheare Geni. Clark, when
organising his troops at Fort Pitt was informed that
B. Lynn who had Returned from the Residence of the
Shawna & Delaware Indian Towns. This, brings me to your
first Interogeraty. 1st Was Capt. Benjamin Lynn
employed as a Spy, for Genl. George R. Clark. Ist
Answer he was employed by Genl. Clark as a Spy
and Continued with him until the army arrived at the
Falls of the Ohio. The troops mostly was Conveyed by
water; at this Place Capt. Benjamin Lynn Recd the
appointment of Captain and was Placed under his Command
17 men and was ordered to Harrods Station now
Harrodsburgh, his duty bring Pointer out by
Geni. Clark (as Follows to wit) B. Lynn was
to be at the Station, his men until his Return, out of
the Seventeen men he Chose Samuel More to
accomony him leaving 16 men to assist in Garding the
Station until his Return. Capt. Lynn, with his
companion S. More set out for a French
Settlement Call'd Pancore on the Bank of the Mississippi
River on the Western side near wheare St. Louis now
stands, for the purpose of assertaining its strength and
other particulars. Capt. Lynn knowing the Course
Traveled as he informed me until he came to the Beach
fork of Salt
1. John Chisholm
was the son-in-law of Benjamin Linn, having married
Benjamin's daughter Esther in Green County, Kentucky.
Marriage Bond dated 27 Sep 1798. Bondsmen: John Chism
[sic] and Marshall Spain. Married 27 Sep 1798 by
Benjamin Linn. [Actual record uses the spelling of
Lynn.] |
Index
-- Top
THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Page
33 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
River Crossing,
the Same near the mouth of the Rooting Fork Through the
Country Afterwards called No-Lynn from this To the Mouth
of the Wabash River after Crossing Green and other small
Rivers came to Ohio below the mouth of the Wabash River,
the Indians Ware Hunting on the Kentucky side, made it
dangerous to Cross at the place [p. 107] he had intended
to; he Continued down the River until he came to a
cannau [canoe] tied. Lynn and More took
the Craft and decended the River until they came to safe
Place to hide their Craft for Fur- ther use, they Set
out N. Western Direction Crossing the Kaskaskia River up
the same until they came to the landing opposite the
Village they ware taken over the River as Hunters who
were Hunting in Forks of the Rivers Ohio & Miss. and
their Powder and Lead had given out, and had come to buy
a Supply and sell some beaver skins. At Pancore Capt.
Lynn met with a white man belonging to the Traders
amongst the Shawna In- dians and had been a great friend
and associate of Lynn during his stay with the
Indians, he saw Lynn as soon as he crossed the
River attend on the Bank to buy the Hunting Beaver Fur
he Privatly made known to Lynn he would see him
that night and directed him where to camp, saying I will
furnish you with what you want, as must not be seen with
you; after an examination of the Vilage they camped
where they ware directed late in the night Lynn's
friend came to him and informed him the Indians had left
Town for their Camp 2 miles up the River where there was
a Large Trading Party of his old friends Shawnas &
Delawares, a Counsell will be held in the morning on
yourself & friend Calld the Hunters I will be there and
so soon as the Council Breaks up I will see you, his
friend Came to his camp about 9 O'clock and
informed him that the white people the French would go
to Church the Indians will not be in Town until evening
as the shops are all shut until late this evening, I
will says his friend send you over the very shortly and
you must not stop for anything until you cross the Ohio
River. If they find you are now gone they will send a
Runing Party of Indians after you. Capt. B. Lynn
informed that S. More & himself Run on all Runing
ground the night Throughout, they having Selected the
full moon to go to the Vilage [p. 108] Knowing that they
would have to use the night in making their escape. They
Traveled the next day and the next night with all the
speed Possible and the 2nd day late in the evening
Capt. Lynn shot a small deer while Moore, was
kindling fire. Lynn skinned out Part of the Deer
and they Rosted the meat and Eat a Part and left their
fire and after leaving their fire he Supposed
half a mile he heard the Firing or Report of 3 guns or
More, Capt. Linn, knew the Indian Carrichs
[characteristics] so well that he said to Moore,
we are safe the pursuing Party of Indians will Follow no
Farther. Capt. Lynn knew where to find the Craft
they left on their Travel out, on the 3 day they came to
their cannau [canoe] and Crossed the Ohio River
and found in their Travel they ware below the mouth of
the Cumberland River and saw much Fresh Signs of Indians
Hunting on the River. Capt. Lynn, decided it
would most safe to River and take the dividing Ridge
Country between Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers until
they came up to the Old Buffelow Rode leading to the
French lick, the Place where Nashville Tennesse now is
there they crossed the Cumberland River and struck their
course for the Falls of the Ohio, where they arrived in
Safety gave Gen. Clark the information that he
had so ardently desired which afforded him great
Facilteties in Prosecuting the war with the French and
Indians. Capt. Lynn was sent to Harrods Station
to Resume the Command of his company which he had left
there when he set out for th French fort, where himself
and Saml. Moore arrived Safely and Good health.
2 Int'g. Answer he was at Harrods Station, and Lynn
and Capt. Hugh McGary; used all the means in
their Power to defend the Fort and did Succeed in so
doing. The Indians failing in every attempt they made,
they Camped one day after they saw they could not take
the fort & I was informed by Col. Hugh McGarry in
1794 at Harrodsburgh, that Capt. Ben. Lynn Went
from the fort during the day & Took a Circulating Rout
got near to their Camp, [p. 109] Killed one of their
warriors and Returned to the fortress Safely, after
being Pursued by the Indians. Near the fort on the Next
day they left the Country and their Trac was followed to
the Ohio River.
3 Int'g. Answer Sometime in the latter Part of the
Summer 1777 the Indians as well as I Recollect, to Hear
Capt. Lynn say was Frequently Seen by the Spyes,
that was engaged _________ in such of Indian Sign or
Trails; the information you Require Was Lynn
engaged in the Routing of the Indians, Secluded in a
Turnip Patch, near the Fort. Answer I have no
Recollection of hearing him say that; the Particular
Turnip Patch Party of Indians was routed when he was
Present, Capt. Lynn was Present at the Corn field
you speak of the Party of Indians had been secreted in a
small hemp Patch in one Corner of the field, Sown
by the Station People to make |
Index
-- Top
Page
34 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
Volume 37, Series J, Pages 105-111
Microfilm No. 30
seed and to that
place was troed by the Spies information being given,
and all the men that could be spared from the Station
Attached the Indians, in their Hiding place. The number
of Indian & white nearly the same, there was seven of
Indians killed and if I Recollect 3 of the whites.
4 Int'g. was Lynn out with Genl. Clark in any of
his Campaigns or did he act Capt. in any Company in the
Army under Clark; Answer, as well as I Recollect,
Genl. Clark Sent Capt. Lynn, from the
falls of Ohio, as a Capt. of the men he sent day 17 men
which was satisfactoryly answered in the first
interogotory.
5th Int'g. Wheare
did Capt. B. Lynn die, Answer he died on the 23
day of December 1814 at the house of John Chisholm
who Married his second daughter in the County of
Madison North Alabama near Huntsville in his 65th
[Editor's note: should be 75th year and is buried in the
Burrying ground of a Christian church constituted by him
in that then New Country.
6th Int. Answer Capt. B. Lynn, had a Brother
Col. William Lynn lived on Beargrass near the Falls
of Ohio, and was killed by the Indians going to the
first court held in Kentucky at the Falls of
Ohio.
[p. 110] 7th Int'g. You requse me to State If I have any
information If Capt. Lynn, had anything to do in
Naming no Lynn Creek. Answer, I heard Capt. B. Lynn
say as he suppos'd was the Original Cause of the
name there was 10 men and himself Hunting in the Barrons
exploring that Portion of County, and had concluded to
spend a few days at that camp, and they ware to meet
every night at the camp. Capt. Lynn on the first
days Hunt early in the day came on a Fresh Trail of
Indians Followed them that day throughout wishing to see
where they were bound, Continued on the Trail so Far he
could not Reach the Camp the Second night when the Com-
pany would Reach the Camp at night one by one came
singly they would say no-Lynn, yet that was the Talk un-
til Lynn came and they cau'd there Camp No Lynn
and the Creek Continues its old name, now Sir you will
Please Receive this information that I have given from
Recollection of the Various Conversations I have had
with Capt. Lynn, before his death, under
consideration with my wife, the 2[nd] daughter of
Capt. Lynn, we have sent you a Rough Sketch, hoping
you will Transcribe the substance and leave out the
errors and intestiniator and send that Portion to
the Compiler that you may think Proper, when your letter
came to hand I was in the act of Starting to the State
of Miss. and have been Hurried drawing of the Answers,
to your interrogeteries you I Hope will in turn the
Blunders and Imperfections & I feel under great
obligation to you for the interest you have taken to do
Justice to the services of one of the Best men of his
day & Time.
Yours Respectfully, John
Chisholm
[p. 111]
Florence, Ala. March 10, 1848
Dear Sir:
Your letter of the date Jany 30 1848was received here a
few days ago, but my Father, to whom it was directed, it
is my misfortune to write, had followed those Western
Pioneers whose histories you seem endeavoring to trace,
to that long resting place of mortality --- the Grave.
My Father died last Summer, and the facts he possessed
concerning the trying times of Kentucky’s first
settlement have mostly passed to the grave with him –
but my mother who is the daughter of Capt. Lynn &
Hannah Sovereigns, as you were perhaps informed
in the Letter you have, is still living, though not able
to recollect, many of the incidents or circumstances of
those Indian wars in which her Father bore a part.
1 & 2 Your
inquiries concerning the 2 traders and Genl. Clarks
Campaigns my mother is not able to answer, only that the
traders were Frenchmen.
3 The name of the hunters that were with Lynn at the
time that no:linn took its rise she does not recollect,
save her uncle John Sovereigns.
4 Capt. Lynn first settled near Bardstown, and
about ten years afterwards removed to Green River, which
was in 1790 or thereabouts, so my mother thinks Green
River the particular locality, she does not remember.
5 Capt. Lynn took no part in the Creek war --
6 Lynn must have commenced Preaching at a very
early day --- somewhere about 1788 or 1789 as my mother
says he was a preacher when she was a small girl. |
Page
35 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS (cont.)
7 Benj. Lynn
& his wife Hannah (formerly Hannah
Sovereigns) Both died in the year 1814 -- Hannah
in May -- Benj. in December.
[p. 111a] At the
time of their death they lived in Madison County Ala. to
which place they moved in 1810. The Captivity of the
Sovereigns family occured when Hannah Sovereigns
was about 10 years old, herself & three other children &
her mother were taken prisoners and kept by the Indians
6 years, at the end of which time Hannah Sovereigns &
her mother were given up -- one of the other
children had died in the time of captivity & the other
one had been killed --- as no record was kept of H. S.
age I am not able to ascertain when they were taken
prisoners --- My Mother thinks it happened in
Pennsylvania.
My Mother is not able to give any particulars of John
Sovereigns she don't recollect of seeing any of her
uncles after growing up to womanhood, and but seldom
heard from them --- as Education was almost entirely
unknown to those hardy adventurers, correspondence
between different branches of a family, must of course
been extremely rare and when a separation of members of
a family once took place, but little those after was
known of each other --- My mother thinks that John
Sovereigns left a family, but where and when he died
she don't know --- She knows nothing of "Harmon
Consola."
Capt. Lynn was a slender, dark-skinned man, with
blue eyes his height was about 5 feet 10 inches. Can't
give you any information about Logston or his
wife.
Your inquires
about Genl. Doherty and Maj. Chisholm I
can't give you any satisfactory particulars of either.
I have thus Sir: with the assistance of my mother,
endeavored to give some sort of an answer to each of
queries, though meare and unsatisfactory they must prove
to you had your letter been penned and received in the
lifetime of my Father you doubtless would have elicited
some information, that would have assisted you in
arriving at conclusions and connecting events pertaining
to those early and stirring periods of Indian warfare
when the magnificent State of Kentucky was fought for --
bled for --- and conquised. My mother though born and
reared upon the "dark & bloody ground still having a
memory by no means tenacious, may of the incidents and
scenes of her early life are gone forever.
If any thing above
will, in the remotest degree, subserve any purpose you
may have in view, I shall not have written in vain.
I am Sir
Very Respectfuly your most obedient Servant
T. L. Chisholm [Toliver
L. Chisholm]
THE
GEORGE ROGERS CLARK PAPERS
Volume 37, Series J, Page 240
Microfilm No. 30
The Will of
(Colonel) William Linn
Recorded Jefferson
County, Kentucky, Book B pages 74, 75; Book 1, page 74.
In the name of god
amen I William Linn of Kentucky County of
Virginia being in perfect health, praised be god do make
this my last will and testament as followeth Imprimis: I
give to my youngest Daughter Ann Linn the
dwelling plantation I now live on and a negro wench old
Margaret and the profits arising from it to her
mother Littia to the support of her as long as
she lives singel as I leave her the moveables about the
house. |
Index
-- Top
Page
36
I give and
bequeath to my eldest son William Linn one
thousand acres land lieing below the mouth of the Miami
to have his choise of my land lying there about, to whom
I leave a negro man Tom and a molatto boy Jack
and Tom to be free after fourteen years from
my death.
I give and bequeath to my son Asael Linn three
hundred and thirty acres of land and the third part of
the blew Lick to him and his heirs for ever and a negro
boy Moses and to my son Benjamin Linn one
thousand acres of land adjoining his brother Wm.
and a molatto boy Battess to him and his heirs
forever and to my two Daughters Theadotia Linn
and Luramia [blob of ink over her name] Linn
one thousand acres of land joining my two sons If
they return from the indians, and if they dont return
for the Said land to be equally divide between my three
sons William, Asael and Benjamin and to my
Daughter Rachel Linn two hundred acres of land
lying on Harrod Creek ajoining Taylors survey to her and
her heirs forever and a negro wench cald
fillis ---
I give to two
children John and Josey Linn that has been
born since I left home five shillings a peace -- Item, I
give to my four friends, to wit, Turner Kirby James
Eareekson Samuel Kirby and Benjamin Eareekson
for twelve hundred and fifty acres of land lying below
the miama near my sons Wm. and Benjamin to
be divided between them provided they pay the Surveying
of my legelized lands of my sons and Daughters
and the other publick expenses that is to be paid and my
just debts and unto my two friends James Kirby
and James Eareekson for Whom I make sole Executor
of this my last will and Testament and the care of my
two sons Wm. and Asael for trustees and
care of there education In witness hereby I have
hereunto set my hand and Sealed the eighteen day of july
in the year of our Lord 1780.
Test
Charles Polke,
Sanford Edwards,
Thomas McCarty"
his
[sig:l
William Linn (seal)
mark
The Court held for
Jefferson County, April 3d 1781 This last will and
Testament of William Linn decd was proved by the
Oath of Thomas McC & ordered to be certified and
at August 2d 1790 being proved fully by the Oath of
Charles Polke was ordered to be Recorded
Teste Stepn
Ormsby Clk |
Index --
Top
Page 37 of the transcription by Phyllis J.
Bauer, Editor.
LYNN/LINNS IN
THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
THE KENTUCKY PAPERS
Volume 11, Series CC, Pages 1-4
Microfllm Reel No. 76
Interview of Isaac and William
Clinkenbeard
Conducted by Rev. John D. Shane
Preface:
This transcription includes notations that
appear on the side of the page. Some of these
notes are in parentheses ( ) and some in double
parentheses (( )). It appears the single ( ) are
for those comments made by Wm. Clinkenbeard
during an interview with him, and placed in the
margin at that time. The double (( )) appear to
be for those comments Rev. Shane has made to
clarify and they are sometimes within the text,
sometimes in the margin.
There were
many underscores in the document, perhaps placed
there later as a means of highlighting the main
points, as there were also notes in the margin
in a different hand writing in referring to the
underscores. The editor has eliminated these
underscores to simplify the reading. Words in
italic print are the ones the editor had a
problem with deciphering.
Rev. Shane
had his own "shorthand" and way of abbreviating
things which are then followed by a colon. The
reader will have to use a little imagination
with these abbreviations. Although some of the
sentences do not seem to make sense, that is the
way they are written.
The
abbreviation of "thkd" probably meant "thunked"
or perhaps "tomahawked."
Every
effort has been made to transcribe as it was
written, including grammar, punctuation,
capitalization, or lack thereof.
One word
of caution: Those with weak stomachs should
proceed no further! |
Index
-- Top
Page 38 of the
transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor.
LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
THE KENTUCKY PAPERS
Volume 11, Series CC, Page 1-4
Microfilm No. 76
No. 1, I.
Clinkenbeard
BOURBON
p. 1 Isaac
Clinkenbeard. 2 ms S. or S. By W., from N.
Middletown, on (he n: bank of Stoner 1/2 m. below
the Mouth of Dannoldson. 2 ms: straight, fr: his
house to Coneords (now Simmons) Mill; but
11 ms: by the windings of the Cr: - Knows nothing of
dates or nos: Feels piqued at being asked a question.
Pleasantly tells a thing, but you get it all, as it
were, by absolute accident. If it does not flow
spontaneously, you cannot get it, either by inquiry,
suggestion, or any introduction of the subject. Nor can
you get him to repeat.
Isaac Clinkenbeard - Bom Nov; 20-1758. John C:
July 9, 1755; the day Braddock was defeated. Wm:
C., Born, Oct. 10- 1761. There was a fort at the
mouth of Little Connolloway - an the Potomac, 40ms below
old town, where the N. & South Branch came together;
after which the r. took the name Potomac. The indns:
were troublesome on both little & Big Connoloway. My
Uncle Isaac Linn, was taken prisoner fr: mouth of
L. C. & kept 11 yrs. My Uncle, John Linn, was
killed there. My Uncle, Thos. Linn, also was
scalped & thkd & left laying in the sand all night. Next
morning was found. Drs. bored his head full of gimblet
holes to get the blood out. Was made blind by being
scalped. Many a. m. I've led him. Had fits too,
sometimes. Died awhile after I came to Ky: At the time
of this attack, my mother had just had a child. The
necessity of flight caused an excitement, whh:
ultimately, this ((perhaps)) not for several years, in
her death. "Caught cold, & never got over it till she
died." Old Mr. Blistoe's wife used to live in a
Fort that was at Winchester, Va. Both he & she are dead.
Bill Linn killed at Salt works, down towrds:
Louisville, and Nathan his bro;, not far from
Harrodsbgh; were cousins, of these Linns.
I went in Hand's campaign; hired as a
substitute. 1777. The expedition started to go to the
indn: towns, but didn't go farther than Wheeling. Too
late in the season, for one thing. A coy: went fr:
Berkley Co: - & formed a part of this Expedition. We
went on fr: Ft. Pitt, to W. A co: - was to be left at
Beech Bottom, 12 ms. above Wheeling. The rest were
listed only for the campn. A co: of us hired to stay at
the Beech bottom all winter. Staid 6 mos: Never was an
indn: come to the B--- b--- while we were there; but
there were before & after. This was the I st time I
crossed the Alleghany Mns:, and as I came out, I saw the
broken fragments of the wagons on the battle ground of
Braddock's defeat, on the Alleghany Mns:, in Pa: I went
in Hand's and there aftwds: in McIntosh's
campaigns, before I came to Ky. All 3 of us bros: were
in Mcintosh's C: Came fr: Berkley Co: Va., fall 1779. We
came out without caring avt. being guarded. ((this the
wilderness)) Col: van Swearingen, Wm. Bennet, Joshua
Bennet, Jus: Taylor & Patrick Dannaldson &
family & we 2 bros: (My oldest bro:, John was in
Tenn: this Wm's statement.) Pressly
Anderson & his w., used to pass us every day on the
road. (Both of them out here on Slate.) It was strung fr:
Cumberland Mn: to Boonsbrough. 0000s: of people came out
that fall. More than did for 7 or 8 yrs: after
that.
We came by the
Hazle Patch. I never was at the crab orchard. At the H.
P. a little before we came to Rock Castle river; & it
was at the H. Patch that the road forked; the I leading
to the crab-orchard, the other to Bonnesborough.
Nothing, after leaving the H. P., to met with till we
got to Boonesborough - except that we passed to the
Knob? Lick, some 10? or 15? ms: before we got to B. Was
but a day or 2 at Boonsbgh, before we went out hunting.
In short time, went over to Strode's. A great
many at B. John Strode had a pre-emption at his
S. Was a little before us, out. (Strode's 10
ms) S. 10 ms fr: Bnsb: 2 cabins, partly tip, when I
got there. Strode had I of them; Capt.
Constant, another & I most think Couchman had
1. It was late in the fall, & Strode had not been
(here a great while, when I went. Strode promised us the
land that we cleared, for 9 yrs: I cleared 3 ,,, (cont
below)
1. This is spelled
Tonoloway on present day maps. |
Index --
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Page 39
acres, didn't want
the use of it (one yr:) an rented it for that yr: All
woods, thro' this cane, just as thick as any is here
else. The cane was just an undergrowth. From here to
Strode's S., [ed. note: "S." refers to the word
"Station" which was used to signify a place or fort.] 10
or 12 ms; wasn't V2 m. clear of timber. At cane ridge
the timber was of the thickest kind, & the cane very
heavy. Yet in my clearing of the 3 acres, at S's S., I
grubbed us acre a day. My bro Wm; cleared 3 acres too.
Old Robt. Taylor, my bro: Wm & myself, are alb now
living, that I know of, that were at Strode's S. then.
R. T. was living below the Forks of Licking, was here 10
or 15 yrs ago. Came to be a justice, & then Sheriff of
the co: ((co'dn't tell the co:)) The next summer, [1780)
we stockaded in at Strode's. Indns: never troubled us
that lst summer. Took Martin's & Riddle's Stations that
summer, 1780. Martins' where Gov: Garrets farm
was.
Riddle's where Stoner & Hinkston meet.
They & Lexington & Bryant's S:, had been settled before
we came out - Lex:, I think, 2 yrs:, McCue's S., Boone's
S., [at the Cross plains,) Grant's S. & c were settled
the same fall w. Strode's. I Mar 1780. The indns: killed
Pun [Peen?]: Rollins, & Col: Calloway, at
Bnsbgh:, not far fr: the S. They were making a boat. In
1780, was the Clarke's expedition agt. Old
Chillicothe, on the Little, Miami & Pick- away, on the
big Miami. In that expedition, they killed 15 of
our men, & we took 16 of their scalps.
No. 1. I.
Clinkenbeard
HISTORICAL COLLECTIONS
[p. 2] On the lst
of Mar. 1781, the indns: came to Strode's., killed
Patrick Dannallson & Jacob Spohr, wounded
John Judy, and took off a negro woman. Jacob
Spohr had gone out in the morning to drive away the
cows. (something was sd. about a garden, near the S.,
and as if the cows had gotten into it, but I co'dn't get
it.) Polly Dannallson & Spohr's dau;, little
girls, had followed on out. The indns: chased the little
girls to within 20 steps of the fort, & wo'd have gotten
them, but the dogs broke out on them. Patrick
Dannellson, went to look over a little gate, to see
to shoot (between 2 houses) & another gun fired, &
took him in the forehead. Were but the 2 guns fired.
The bullit knocked (didn't go in, out) the bones in.
He didn't die till night; The brains seeped out in the
day & Bennet & I were cooking our bkft. at the time. The
negro woman, & Judy, were both on the outside at
the time; but don't know where, or what for. The
negro woman belonged to a Mr. Moore, who had gone
in to the settlement in the spring, 1780, & had ledt her
w. Thos: Kennedy. ((Mr. C. recollects nothing
connected w. Cartwright)) ((I ought to h. sd.
Crosswight.))
There was nobody
at the L. B. L. (L. Blue L. Bat) battle fr. Strode's S.
Were but few of us there, & we had to stay & take care
of the women. At Holder's defeat, (Aug. 1782)
John Douglass, Geo. Johnson, & one Clement
were killed, & Capt. Fleming & Jim: Harper
wounded. J. H. lived several weeks, & then died. From
Strode's to McCue's S. was abt. 6 or 7 ms:. All the
killed or wounded in this battle were fr: those 2
stations. Indns: had taken Hoy's son. I was down
at B's S. when the news came, & when I got back they
were gone. (I got my gun stocked by a man that lived on
the hill above Russel's cave, but had big shop in
it (the cave), but whether it was at this time or not, I
don't now know.) When the pursuers came to the place, &
found the indns: were there, the forces were divided, &
Holder led on one, the one way, & Constant,
the other down a difft. way. H & his party happened
to get a sight of the indns: & found they were so many,
& they run. Don't believe any of Holder's men
were killed. Constant & his party clapped
to & fought. Joe & Richd: Proctor were in
that battle. Joe Proctor, if living, on Muddy
Cr:, in Madison Co:
Constant had a station abt. 1/2 m. or little better,
fr: Strode's S. Sconce's (Constant's) S. was way down by
Muhlenburgh or a little this side. Constant was
one day at his S., out in the field plowing,
Joshua Stamper was also out, in an adjoining field.
Only a lane running between them. 2 little children
of Parvins were out at the mouth |
Index
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Page 40
of lane. (P. was
the 1st printer that ever was in Ky. B'd (Bradford)
tried it, & co'dn't make any thing of it, & sent for
P. Indeed P. co'dn't do anything with it for awhile,
altho he had learned his trade in Phila.) The 2 children
were killed; whether shot or how, I don't know. They
shot at Constant, as he ran in, broke his leg. He got in
on his hands & one foot. Crept in ((had to go in)) uder
the floor, & go into his house. Stamper got in
wt. injury. Jas?, I think Jas: Berry, lived, if
alive, to the side of Boonsborough. Was wounded in the
battle of Little Mn: (Estill's deft. Bat. of L.
Mn:.) Indns: had been over & taken a negro of
Estill's. When they began to fire, in the
action, the negro ran away. (fr: the indns:) Joe
Proctor told me he had 7 or 8 fair shoots and was
the last man on the ground. An indn: ran up to scalp
Estill. J. P. shot the indn:, & seen him fail on
Estill, and then he ran. Some prisoners said
afterwards there were just 5 & 20 indns: & that but 5 of
them got back. Cook sd: (and others sd: the same)
he had fired the lst gun. The indn: were crossing
Hinkston abt. 2 ms: below Mt. Sterling, when he thus
fired. 2 indns: fell one of them that fell, decided to
give the indns: a powerful talk, & then they fell to
fighting. This Proctor & some others that were in the
Battle, went back w. us to bury the dead. His negro
didn't go. It was right wet weather when we went. There
was an Eagle eating of Estill, & he c'dn't
fly, and I took after him w. my gun stick and killed
him. Varmints, thus, had destroyed Estill's
intestines. I helped bury the 7 killed there. One came
into Strode's wounded, that died aftwds: but I don't
know whether there or no.
Billy McCracken was wounded, & died coming down
the hill at Cti:, (Clark's Campn: of 1782) & was
buried there on the bank of the r. Perhaps there was a
cabin built there for the men that were to stay & take
care of the boats. Crossed and recrossed by means
of these boats they bro't w., troops fr: the falls in,
when we got to the mouth of Licking. (Seemed to
recollect there was a cabin put up this time for the
reception of the wounded, and a small command to take
care of them. But then didn't know bbut it mksht h. b.
for the men to stay in. If they co'd stay in the boats,
perhaps the wounded co'd have done so. But perhaps the
boats were not kept there. Enquire)
Another man & I took (Molunthy, Mr. C. had no
recollection of his name, even after I mentioned it to
him.) & bro't him in. He patted on his breast, & sd.
"King." McGary asked if he was in the Bat: of the
Blue Licks. He sd. yes. MeG. then sd. d--n you, I will
show you Blue Lick play: and just thkd: him. I was
within 3 or 4 steps, at the time. McG. was broke of his
commission for it. There was a young indn: that had been
taken & put into a cabin w. some squaw prisoners.
Col. Kennedy, that lived at crab-orchard, went in &
knocked the young indn: down, and scalped him. I went &
peeped in this crack and saw the indn: sitting up w. his
scalp off.
Mathias Spohr, Joshua Bennet, & Michael Cassidy,
had gone out hunting, fr: Strode's S. At night they
camped abt. 3 ms: beyond North Middletown. C. laid in
the middle. The Indns: had crept up behind a log not 10
feet off. They shot S. & B. both pretty dead, &
then sprang upon Cassidy. In the struggle,
Cassidy contrived to get hold of his tak [Ed.
note: tack?]:. & then they let him go. (loose.) C.
had been nearly overcome in the struggle. (thkd: him)
but as he ran, they threw a war club, or something, &
struck him in the back. The blood gushed out of his
mouth, & he immedy: experienced relief, and acquired
strength. From that, he got in that night, or in
the morning, I forget which now. The indns: put a chunk
to the side of Bennet & burnt his bowels
out; and also made a fire on Spohr's back.
Ned Boone, was killed on Boone's CT:. It was
called Plumb-Lick, till N. B. was killed on it - (abt. 5
ms: the other side of North Middletown, on the upper
Blue Lick road.) Then down below the forks it was
changed to Boone's CT:.
The bank washed &
the bones of Bennet & Spohr were seen in
it. They were buried on the bank. The bank washed, & the
bones were gotten, I think by Spohr.
Patrick Scott was here a year before me. Came in the
spring. His father when he was a boy, went to the falls.
(I settled here in the yr. 1790. Scott was there
the year before I was here. Strode's called
inside, then.) |
Index
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Page 41 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
THE KENTUCKY PAPERS
Volume 11, Series CC, Page 1-4
Microfilm No. 76
A corn right - 400
acres. This I live on was one. Ben: Duemowaiff
Dayiess cleared it out of the office upon the
halves, & I bo't Ben: D's ½. Daviess was
killed by the ins: over by Estill's S. His widow lived
here some yrs: He was gog: into the S. the indns: shot
him off his horse. After I was here, a co: gog: by
Stoner here, up to Slate Iron works to guard, came to
the Cr: & co'd get over. The Cr: was high. We were all
back in the cane, perhaps hunting cattle. They fired to
make us come. We heard the round, & had like to have
gone the other way. Went round thro' the cane, & taried
on a point above the house, tifl we saw what it was.
Stephen Biles watched towds: day, & the In: got
away. When he (S. Biles) got down to the Cr:
there he rubbed & got the rope? or string into loose.
They saw where he had lain down & rubbed agt. a rock.
His hands were tied back. We over- took some that had
stolen horses, on the dividing ridge between Hinkston &
Blue Licks - this side of the Upper Blue Licks, this
side of the upper Blue Licks, & got all our horses
again. The Ins: escaped. Were seen, but were too smart
for us.
Another time, we killed 2 below the Mud Lick & got all
our horses back. Another time we killed I below Knot
Lick. There was a horse of my fs: (see Clarke, P 12.) &
one, I think of Strode's, that we didn't get. Only saw 2
Ins: 2 on Salt Lick Cr: Had stopped, I reckon, to eat
their bkft. 2 were on the back track. These 2 we killed.
They raised the yell, & those at the camp raised the
yell. It appeared as if there might be 40 of them. They
mounted their horses, and rode to the top of the hill.
There left them & fled. They knew we'd overtake them
(their horses) w. the trail of their horses, (their
horses) w. the trail of their horses, before they
crossed the Ohio. Once, that they got my horse, we never
over hauled them.
[p. 4.] I had a $60. bill when I came to Ky:, & gave
it for 2 bushels of corn, & Wm: & I worked for 2 more.
Had a good deal of corn (They) at Bnsbgh:. An old Mr.
Guess got a good deal of pewter dish fall of corn.
We lived on meat after that tifl corn raising. Every 140
of that money wo'd get 1000 acres of land. Aftwds: when
the in- dns were bad: a good horse wo'd get 200 acres.
Thompson, of Bnsbgh:, gave a 000d. acres, & a
negro wench, for a Shetland (not Shetland, but Shelton)
mare; but she was a racer. (See Clark P. 15) For 200
acres of land, & 20 bushels of corn, I gave a horse that
had been given for a rifle that cost f5. - (That was me,
says Wm:, but it was another cir:, He gave
Matthias Spohr 200 acres of land just other side of
Winchester 2V2 ms: & 20 bushels of corn, for a 3 yr: old
black stud colt - homely at that. Want it to cary meat.
Co'dn't let my w. starve. Had a plenty of corn by that
time.) I bo't a horse when I had b. in this country 3
yrs:, to go back to the settmts: on; but the ins: stole
it, & I hadn't money to get another with. (If see
Clarke P. 15.)
Mem. Esqr.
Richart (Duncan Oliphant Richart) in
Bourbon. Chas: Parker, down by Jackstown - Rbyn:
Mrs. Litton was, but is dead. Hinkston Chh: 50
yds: over the Bourbon line - (perhaps still - more) in
Montgomery. (think Esqr. R. Says so line at a fallen
dead tree, this side from his house.) Jas: Ellison's
mill in Bath. Audu: Ellison lives in
Montgomery. Dannallson Methodist & Pbyn: Mtg:h: -
on the Bourbon & Clarke line. (Abt. a 1/4 m.
beyond the line, in Clarke. Runs thro' a house on the
farm in which the Mtg:H. corners. Allen) Obadiah
Dooley in Clark. Dannelson Mtg. H. a m. fr:
the mouth of the Cr: Both those branches are called brs:
Peyton Lick, that leading by Esqr. Richart's &
that leading to Audu:
Ellisons. |
Index
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Page42
LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
THE KENTUCKY PAPERS (cont.)
Volume 11, Series CC, Page 1-4
Microfilm No. 76
Some men tell all
they know: and w. so much presuming confidence, that if
You discover it, you are disgusted. From Flat-rock, on
the way to Mt. Sterling, you cross Grassy-Lick just
above the mouth of Somerset. That crossing is
some distance within Montgomery. 2 ms? Somerset comes in
fr: the left. A in. or 2 farther on, crossing,
(Grassy Lick or) Somerset, Aaron's run comes in,
just below you, (at the ford) (as did Somerset) fr:
the right. You cross that Cr: again, almost
immediately.
Rockbridge Cr:, is that in the road fr: Middletown, to
the fork of Boone's Cr: & Spillman's (or Skillman's)
tavern. At Skillman's, going to Middletown, Plumblick
comes in fr: the left. Plumblick loses it name, (then) &
both in one, are called Boone's Cr:. Boone was
killed between that tavern, and a house on a rise, or
hill, to the left of the Cr, a little lower down (the
Cr:) not far fr: that spring that is enclosed in a pen
of raus. The spring is nearest to the house on the hill.
Plumblick the larger. (Edwd. Boone kild. Oct.
1780)
Esqr.
Richart
Letters of Cincinnati Museum, a brother of Caleb
& Jackey. Caleb's wife a Presbyterian. Caleb and
John brothers. John the Doctor's father.
Ben: Mills was raised, up on the National
road, to the right of Washington, Pa.
14 numbers were taken off from N. Middle Town, a
______ organized into a church at Hinkston.
Heard B. F.
Harris, Esqr. speak of Old Isaac Clinkenbeard's
testimony in a certain suit - what? [sic]
[PJB ed. note: p.
54 in upper left corner] Printed:
Filson Club Historical Ouarterly, 2:45 - 128
(April 1928)
No. 5, W. Clinkenbeard
HISTORICAL
COLLECTIONS
[p. 4.]
(Much better
communicating than his bro: read his Bro's statement as
far as it went, I only marked his correction so far as
he knew any thing of the matter. Can neither read nor
write.)
5. William
Clinkenbeard on Good's Cr: On the Paris road fr:
Winchester little over 4 ms: fr: W. going by Hornbarry
Mill; Hood's Cr. empting in to Strode's Cr: near Maj.
Bean's fr: the S. E. side. That is Sidler's Mill,
that is there on Stoner, above the crossing of Stoner at
Point Pleasant. Stoner runs down fr: Sidler's
MilL past my bro: I. C's. Dannalson Cr: puts om [Owen’s
Mill?] a little below Point Pleasant. Sidler's Miff is
on Stoner, near Owens; & Owen's Mill on Dannalson,
a little above the mouth.
Conolloway was in
that narrow part of Md:, where the Va. & Pa. lines come
so near together. My bro: lived there till he got to
himself. My f. marrd: again, & I left my g. m. &
went to live w. him, at Shepherdstown, 30 ms: lower down
the Potomac. Conolloway was in Pa. My g. m. lived in Pa.
Line didn't run far fr: her house. I recollect when they
were cutting the line between Pa. & Md. they looked
thro' spy glasses. Lifted me up, to look in. Cut the
line I think it was 30 feet wide, everything down, & put
up mile stones.
I was the youngest
child but one, & it died. Can't remember my m. at
all. Perhaps I was not more than 2 yrs. old when
she died. |
Index
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Page 43 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
LYNN/LINNS
IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
THE KENTUCKY PAPERS (cont.)
Volume 11, Series CC, Page 1-4
Microfilm No. 76
Thos: Linn
The ins: broke all the bones in his scalp so that you
co'd see it beat (the brains) just like a babies. Was
stone blind, and his eyes, you co'dn't see anything the
matter w. them.
Recoffect when
Isaac Linn came back. Went out into the back parch at
his mothers & put on his indn: dress, & took his gun.
His m. was afraid he was going to go off to the ins:
again, but he only went to hunt.
I was at
Shepherdstown when the Revolutionary war broke out.
Major Beddinger was in S. learning the wagon making
business, when the war commenced, he went in the 1st co:
that ever went fr: our part.
((NoLinn in Greene
river country, did it take its name from these Linns?
Mr. C. suggests so))
McIntosh's son was along, in that campn. Crabbed
sort of fellow. We called him tow-head. We crossed the
Muskingum on our way bef. we built Ft. Lawrence. (Don't
recollect to have seen any folks where we put the fort.)
The ford was nearly waist deep. We had some women along,
Mel's son wo'dn't let a man ride over. Stood there w.
his sword drawn & if one attempted to ride, he ((went))
to made him get down. Wo'dn't let even the women ride
over. McIntosh had a parcel of pet ins: [ed.
note: "pet Indians"] along: treated them better than he
did his men. They drove beef, some of whh: they did not
kill tiU they got to the place where they built Ft.
Lawrence. Indns: killed Capt. Ross & another spy, as we
were going out. Were our spies. Only lost those 2 spies.
I saw coon eating of them as we came home. They had been
thrown in a little gut-like place, & some chunks thrown
over them. "Twas sd. a man killed that coon & ate it. As
I saw him kill it off of the dead man & I suppose he ate
it, he took it along. As I said they killed the beef, on
their way out, they hung up the hides on forks, or a
pole-laid on a saplin & fork (across) to save them, if
they sho'd want them. On thr: way back 'twas sd: the men
ate them. I was on bef. the army, coming home. I ate
none.
A Ft. had been built on the Ohio, abt. 30 ms: below Ft.
Pitt, called McIntosh. While we were at Ft. Lawrence - 3
cos: of us I think, I know 2, were sent back to Mcl.
after more provisions. We went & as we ______ we met the
army, discharged, & going home: except what were left in
the fort. The men that has the provision (nothing but
flour we had nothn.) kept on. The guard turned back w.
the army ((little bef. it, I suppose)) I was in the
light infantry. Traveling so far, so young, & w. so
heavy a gun, ((carrd: his blanket, & pack, on his
shoulders too.)) I was overcome. My bros: applied to the
Capt. for a horse for me to ride - one of the pack
horses but he so'dn't let me have one. Where we turned
back bef-. the army, one morning, my bros. heard an open
bell & went out & caught a continental horse, & fixed
it up. I rode it for 2 or 3 days - til the army came
up. It snowed and blowed very cold. It was Xmas: eve,
abt. midnight, when I got to my g. in. on
Conolloway. Didn't go up the Ohio - (went the way we
came) Never was at Redstone or Pittsburgh in my life. We
came by Braddock's battleground, as we understood
- I think saw cannon baU too. ((Alluding to his bros:
statement)) My bro: John was at Wat-au-ga in Tenn-
a soldier; was to get land for his services. But never
did. See Bourbon p. 1.
My f didn't come
out till the fall 1782; while I was on Clark's
campn: When I came back, I found him at the station. I
carrd: chains thro' the L. B. battle ground; & I never
saw bones thicker in any place. Never buried nor
nothing. |
Index
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Page 44 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
LYNN/LINNS IN THE DRAPER MANUSCRIPTS
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 22-31
Microfllm Reel No. 97
Relating to the Early Settlement & Border Warfare
of Western Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Kentucky
The Yellow
Creek Affair Recollections of Henry Jolly, Esq.
Editor PJB's note:
Some editing has been done, such as added punctuation to
make the reading easier. This discourse is difficult to
understand and follow at times, but it seemed worthwhile
including in the collection.
Be aware that this, too, is on the
gory side.
[p. 22] Certainly,
Gallopolis was not settled in the year 1756 or 7 - see
page 49 - I must disagree with Mr. Withers, on
page 106, etc. I was then about 16 years of age, but
very well recollect what I have seen then, and
information that I have since obtained from (I believe)
Good Authority --- In the Spring of the year 1774 a
party of Indians encamped on the Northwest of the Ohio,
near the mouth of Yellow Creek - a party of whites
called Greathouses party, lay on the opposite
side of the river; the Indians came over to the white
party. I think five men, one woman, and an infant
babe; the whites Gave them rum, which three of them
drank, and in a short time became very drunk, the other
two men and the woman refused; the sober Indian
challenged to shoot at a mark, to which they agreed, and
as soon as they emptied their Guns, the whites shot them
down; the woman at- tempted to take flight, but was also
shot down; She lived long enough however to beg mercy
for the babe, telling them that it was a kin to
themselves; they had a man in the cabbin, prepared with
tomahawk for the purpose of killing the three drunk
Indians, which was immediately done. The party of men
and women moved off for the Interior Settlements, and
came to Catfish Camp in the morning of the next day,
where they tarried until the next day," I very well
recollect my mother, feeding and dressing the Babe,
chirping to the little innocent, and it smiling, however
they took it away, and talked of sending it to its
supposed father Col. John Gibson of Carlisle, Pa.
who was then, & had been for several years a trader away
to the Indians.
The remainder of the party, at the mouth of Yellow
Creek, finding that their friends on the opposite side
of the river was massacred, they attempted to escape by
descending the ohio, and in order to avoid being
discovered by the whites, passed on the west side of
Wheeling Island and landed at pipe creek a small stream
that empties into the ohio a few miles below Graves
creek, where they were overtaken by Cresap with a
party of men from Wheeling; they took one Indian scalp,
and had one white man badly wounded, (Big Tarrene
??) they I believe carried him in a litter from
Wheeling to Redstone -- I saw the party on the return
from their victorious campaign. Mss. Note.- that portion
of this narrative relates to Cap. M. Cresap
agrees with the widow of Col. Ebe. Lane published
in Jef. notes.
The Indians had for sometime before this event thought
themselves intruded upon by the long knife, as they
called the Virginians at that time, and [p. 23] many of
them were for war -- however, they called a council in
which Logan acted a conspicuous part, he admitted
their ground of complaint, but at the same time reminded
them of some aggressions on the part of the Indians, and
that by a war, they could but harass, and distress the
frontier settlements for a short time, that the long
knife would come like the trees in the woods and that |
Index
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Page 45 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 22-31
Microfllm Reel No. 97
ultimately they
would be drove from their good land that they now
possessed, he therefore strongly recommended peace; to
him they all agreed, grounded the hatchet, everything
wore a tranquil appearance, when behold, in came the
fugitives from Yellow Creek. Logan's father,
Brother and sister murdered; what is to be done now;
Logan has lost three of his nearest and dearest
relations the consequences is that this same Logan,
who a few days before was so pacified raised the
hatchet, with a declaration, that he will not ground it,
until he has taken ten for one, which I believe have
completely fulfilled, by taking thirty scalps and
prisoners in the summer of '74 -- the above has often
been told to me by some persons who was at the Indian
town, at the time of the Council alluded to, and also
when the remains of the party came in from Yellow Creek;
Thomas Nicholson has told me the above and much
more, another person (whose name I cannot recollect)
told me that he was at the towns when the Yellow Creek
Indians came in, that there was a very great lamentation
by all the Indians of that place; the friendly Indian
advised him to leave the Indian Settlement, which he
did.
Could any person of common rationality believe for a
moment, that the Indians came to Yellow Creek with
hostile Intentions, or that they had any suspicion of
the whites, having any hostile Intentions against them,
would five men have crossed the river, three of them in
a short time dead drunk, the other two discharging their
guns, putting themselves entirely at the mercy of the
whites, or would they have brought over a squaw
with an infant paupoos, if they had not reposed the
utmost confidence in the friendship of the whites? Every
person who is [p. 24] acquainted with Indians knows
better, and it was the belief of the inhabitants who
ever capable of reasoning on the subject, that all the
depredations committed on the frontier by Logan and his
party, as a retaliation, for the murder of Logans
friends at Yellow Creek -- I mean all the depredations
committed in the year 1774 --- It was well known that
Michael Cresap had no hand in the Massacre at Yellow
Creek --
On page 191, it stated that a party was sent out to
bring in horses - all the truth in that Statement is
that they went out and not one of them returned. It was
said their party consisted of 17; I was acquainted with
some of the men who were killed but it is a fact that
there was not a horse left at Fort Laurence when the
army left it, what would horses be left there fore,
unless it was to inrich or be taken away by the Indians,
away with such silly bombart the fact is the event out
for the purpose of carrying in firewood, which the army
had cut before they left the place, some 40 or 50 rods
from the fort, and near the bank of the river there was
a mound behind which lay a quantity of wood and a party
had went out several very cold mornings and brought in
wood, supposing the Indians would not be watching the
fort in such very cold weather, but on that fatal
morning the Indians had concealed themselves behind the
mound, and as the soldiers passed round on one side of
the mound a part of the Indians came round on the other,
and enclosed the wood party so that not one escaped, I
do again assert, that not a solitary horse was left
there, when the army left it.
But, on the 192 page are very eroneous statements; true
it is Capt. Clark was left at the fort when the
army left it for the purpose of marching in invalids and
attaificers who had tarried behind the army, he
endeavored to take the advantage of very cold weather,
and had marched 23 or 4 miles (for I have three or four
times tracked over the ground soon after) he was fired
on by a small party of Indians very close, I think 20 or
30 paces. This wounded two of his men slightly, knowing
as he did, that these men were not capable of fighting
Indians in their own way, ordered them to reserve their
fire, and charge Bayonet, which put the Indians to [p.
25] flight, and after pursuing a short distance he
called his men off, and returned to the fort, and
marched all the men in, that he had marched out.
A few days after Genl. McIntosh commenced
building a fort on the west bank of the Tuscaraway.
Three companies were detached for the purpose of
escorting provisions from Fort McIntosh for the purpose
of supporting the troops that might be left in the new
Garrison, two companies of regulars and one of Militia,
the three companies returned to fort McIntosh (70 miles)
all the pack horses that were out with the army were
returned with the said three companies, to Fort McIntosh
and after waiting there some days for provisions, the
pack horses were again loaded, and set out under the
same escort for Tuscaraway, on the head of Yellow Creek,
the Indians begun to meet parties of the militia,
rushing on toward the ______ with all possible speed.
The company of Militia composed fully one third of the
escort joined their companies and returned, having the |
Index
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Page 46 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 22-31
Microfllm Reel No. 97
two companies of
regular (of which I was one) to guard the provisions to
the fort some distance down Sandy Creek we saw
General McIntosh, Col. Brodhead, and Col.
Crawford, with the regular troops, and a few
Militia, marching in tolerably good order, we encamped
that night about five miles from the fort, and
the next day delivered the provisions, and one company
remained at the fort, and the pack horses were escorted
back to fort McIntosh, by a single company. I presume
about fifty men under the command of Lieut. G. R.
(a froog thing) we arrived all safe on Christmas eve at
Fort McIntosh. I was with Genl. McIntosh when he
went out with the ?rekip? to Col. Gibson,
I was, an eye witness to the destruction of the
provisions, when Genl. McIntosh arrived to view the
fort, It was late in the evening, when it happened, a
great part of the flour was lost, a considerable part of
next day was spent hunting horses, and the day following
the troops marched for Fort McIntosh, Maj. Vernon
left to command the fort. About the first of June
he was relieved by Lieut. Col. Campbell of the
Virginia line, on the first or second of August, the
Garrison was evacuated. I was one of the last that left
it - we arrived at fort Pitt on the seventh - [p. 26]
Page 217 Catfish
Camp -- The men tied to trees, tomahawked, and scalped,
were William Hawkins, Jacob Link and
___[blank]__ Burnett. They had two young men
prisoners at the same time, Jacob Miller, and
Presley Peak and some families. Miller escaped from
them that night - I saw him the next day. Presley
Peak was taken to Detroit and after some time came
home. Col. McClellan and Maj. Harrison
were both killed and other relations of Col.
Crawford, but his son John was not. I was
well acquainted with him and have seen him, many years
after Crawford Campaign, see page 446 --- I believe
Lewis Wetsel was the most active rifleman that I
ever was acquainted with and was very willing to tell
all his feats, but never pretended that he had killed
more than two Indians at that time; see page 249.
Fort McIntosh
built in the summer and fail of 1770, but no cannon
until (I think) near the last of Sept., when the eighth
Regt. of Pennsylvania brought us six field pieces, 4
to 9 pounders, one was mounted on each bastion, and
two in the centre of the fort -- page 173 -- he out of
the six boys taken prisoner I expect is correct;
Henry Johnson, I believe is a respectable character
lives now in 'Woodfield -- page 306-- on page 237
-- we are told that tow youths made their escape. One of
them had been knocked down and scalped, this reminds me
of what has been told to me by a man who was taken by
the Indians when a lad in Wheeling, it happened soon
after the murder of the Moravians when they came to the
first Indian settlements, they took him to a cabbin,
where he was left with an old man, an old woman, and a
small boy. The woman and the boy wept bitterly, the boy
was sent out and whipped with two bunches of small
switches, the old man at the same time lay down on a bed
with his face to the wall and the old woman and another
boy fen to work with the switches on the poor prisoners,
until the old man spoke to them, and they ceased, dried
up their tears and the old man then showed him the
cause, by taking a bandage off and showing that the boy
had been tomahawked and scalped at the massacre of the
Moravians. The old man told him to keep good heart, his
Greatest punishment would be running the ganlet
[?gauntlet?] at the
* see Heckew
Elders Nar. p. 322: For Munger Jr. letters p. 158
[p.27] and the Indians would take him to Detroit, and
that he would in a short time return to his friends, all
of which happened in about a year after giving him a
refreshment they took him away.
I am sorry to see an error on page 262. The John Lynn
mentioned there was Capt. William Lynn, he
commanded a company in '74 under Dunmore. He and
Johnson Campbell was the means of saving a part of
Foremans company at Grave Creek narrows. He served a
very conspicuous officer, a number of campaigns from
Kentucky, under Clark, Scott and Logan, it
was said by many that he was one of the main springs of
the campaign. He died at last as the fool doth, riding
alone he was killed by the Indians on Bear Grass not far
from the Falls of the Ohio. So died old Bill Lynn,
a brave soldier, an honest man and true friend to
his country. He was an early settler on the Monongahela
river, and I do not believe, that Capt. Bill Lynn
was in that part of the country at the time of the last
attack on Wheeling -- he certainly was in Kentucky in
the year 1782, [Ed. note: Wm. Lynn was killed by
the Indians in KY in 1781,] but have no doubt of his
being there where it was attacked in the year 1777 ---
On page 265. It is asserted that F. Duke was
killed in the 2nd or last attack on Wheeling, but the
fact is in the first of Sept. in the year 1777, Frank
Duke, and his brother-in-law Wm. Shepherd was
killed. For particulars as respects the attacks on
Wheeling, I refer to Capt. John Mills on
Wheeling, a veteran of the |
Index
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Page 47 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 22-31
Microfllm Reel No. 97
Revolution and
Thos. Mills of Monroe county, Ohio the latter reed.
16 or 17 wounds at one vouey some years ago the
particulars of that was published in the Friend, I rec'd
it from the mouth of the said Thos. Mills. I
believe Capt. Wm. Lynn gave the alarm when
the Indians were approaching to the fort in '77 and
Geo. Green gave the alarm in '82 --- and I do assert
that F. Dukes widow was married to Levi
Springer of Fayette county (Pa.) before the Indians
made the last attack on Wheeling Fort. It is a pity that
so many murders that have been committed should be
passed without notice. The Syms family at Fish
Creek, Andersons family at Clarks Blockhouse, he
was a brother of Peter Anderson at Bellville -- a
family by the name of Jolly on Wheeling; the
killing of John Walker and wounding Lieut.
[p. 28] Biggs at the mouth of Indian
Wheeling. Lt. Biggs lives now on Pipe Creek,
Belmont county [OH].
The killing of Capt. John Wetsel and another man
near Fish Creek -- and the remarkable adventure of
Lewis Wetsel on that occasion that has been within
my own knowledge the killing of Erlewin and
taking John Wetsel prisoner and the killing of
three Indians, by Hamilton Ker and Isaac
Williams, and in the mouth of Grave Creek, and
retaking the prisoners.
In the spring of the year eighty three* two Indians came
to Grave Creek flats, and after taking some flour from
and old lady, went up to Wheeling and killed Redford
and _______. There is nothing said about the
wounding, and miraculous escape of Nathan Parr,
late of this county and the slave belonging to Philip
Wetten, late of this county, was taken prisoner by
two Indians -- he killed one and made his escape. In the
last of Augt. or first of Sept. in '77 the
Indians killed some children near Shepards, fort
[and] took a lad prisoner. He was about eleven years old
and lived with the Indians. He went in company with two
Indians, into Kentucky, and was accessory to the death
of both the Indians. He lives now in the Belmont county
Ohio. Some part of the above was published some years
ago in the American Friend which I believe is the
most correct acct. that can possibly be obtained at this
time.
I should ever feel myself able to write, I will add a
little to the narrative of Lewis Wetsel, which is
particularly within my own knowledge.
John Carpenter mentioned on page 233, a man with
whom I was intimately acquainted, he escaped from them
some distance beyond the Moravian towns and came
_________. I heard him relate the particulars of his
campaign (as he called it) and it was truly laughable; I
think he was about a dead match for Col. Sproat --
only I presume not quite so well educated. I have
heard him repeat it so often without variation, that I
believe I could almost repeat it verbatum.
(See notes of Jos. Tomlinson - wh. say May, 1784)
* This was in Spring of 1784 - as Judge Jolly
subsequently corrects --- errors into which he fell --
that instead of removing to the frontier in Spring of
1783, he did not say remove till the following Spring; &
he also states that he could give an account of events
from this time of his settling on the frontier. L. C. D.
Recollections of
Henry Jolly, Esq. -
Indian Warfare from 1774 to ________ being notes to the
"Border Warfare," printed at Clarksburg, Va. 1831.
Isaac Jolly,
Wm. Brads
[p. 29] Some time
in Augt, in the year 1781, a large party of hostile
Indians came to the Moravian town on Big Muskingum, and
encamped round the town for the purpose of preventing
the Americans conveying intelligence to the frontier
settlements, but a crippled squaw, was permitted to pass
out and conveyed the intelligence to Fort McIntosh from
Minor to Pittsburgh to Col. Brodhead's
commandant of the Western department, & from him to the
different leading officers in the frontier. Volunteers
immediately turned out to the frontier forts, about ten
of us went from the vicinity of Washington, Pa. and went
to Vanmaters fort. We arrived there in the
evening and on that day, a small party of of Indians
came in, & killed 3 or 4 hogs that Maj. McColloch
had in a pen, on his farm took two or three horses &
then crossed the Ohio above Wheeling and were gone the
small party from Washington (of which I was part) the
danger was over for that time. We returned to our homes,
but the next day we rec'd intelligence that a large
party of Indians had crossed the river at Bogg's Island,
3 or 4 miles below the mouth of Wheeling. We immediately
retraced our steps back to the frontier; the Indians
when they crossed the river, took up middle Wheeling
until they came to Links blockhouse which had been
abandoned for some short time, but at that time there
was three or four men in it. I am not able to name any
of |
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 22-31
Microfllm Reel No. 97
them to a
certainty, but Jacob Miller. But, my impression
is that old Philip Mupponduck had one or two
brothers killed there. Miller was their
spokesman, & made conditions for himself, or at least so
the Indians construed & as soon as the door opened, they
______ ______ but Miller, him they saved, from
there they went to the ridge dividing the waters of
Wheeling Buffaloe Creek, then discovering two farms &
seeing people at each farm they separated, so that they
might [p. 30] surprise both at the same time. One farm
belonged to Wm. Hawkins, the other to _[blank]_
Peak. Just as they were preparing to make their
descent, a party of about 20 volunteers on horse back,
(of which I was one) passed between them and the places
they meant to attack; however, they rushed on, and how
many they killed Hawkins, I do not recollect, but
they took Hawkins and his daughter prisoners (I
will if strength permits before I blese give an
acct .
of the miraculous escape of Mrs. Hawkins and her
infant Babe), and the two partys met at Peaks,
from there they commenced their retreat toward the Ohio,
traveling a short distance the ______ and tied three of
the prisoners to saplings & after talking to them a
while enquiring about the number of men that might be on
the frontier, the answer not less than 150 men at that
time between them & the Ohio -- they then tomahawked the
three tied prisoners, and started rapidly for the Ohio.
The three tomahawked were Hawkins, Link, & Burnet.
They had four other prisoners, to wit, Jacob
Miller, Presley Peak & Miss Hawkins & Miss Walker.
Miller that night made his escape, and came to us next
morning, gave a full account of what the Indians had
done, and they were at that time over the rivers, In the
night about 70 or so, we then went & buried the dead and
returned to our homes.
The Indians on their return carried off the whole of the
Moravians. I believe to Upper Sandusky, and after some
time, finding that the Moravians had not the means or
substances, the hostile Indians permitted a part of them
to return to winter on their corn, potatoes, etc.,
particularly invalid old men, women and children. This
amounted for the very great proportion of women &
children that was murdered there in the March following.
The above Jacob
Miller has said in detached conversation that it was
said 82 Moravians were killed, besides 7 men, who had
some of the appearance of warriors they did not mix with
the Moravians, took no part in their [p. 31] devotions,
but had a separate apartment for themselves. When it was
decided that the Moravians must die, Miller & few
others tried to get out of hearing, but Ceilu
said the death screams out went [with] us --- This
and much more I heard from Jacob Miller, whose
veracity, I believe never was impeached by them that
knew him.
Hawkins' house was built on a small branch of
Buffaloe Creek, which made a high bluff bank and when
the Indians made their attack. She, Mrs. Hawkins,
snatched up her infant Babe and over the bluff & into
the stream she went, the high bluff completely hid her
from the Indians. She went down the stream perhaps some
15 rods, and then turned up another stream, keeping in
the water lest she should be tracked, but she soon
discovered three Indians canoeing up the stream right
after her. She squatted in the water and they passed by,
she soon left the stream and took the high ground the
three that further met an old man, by the name of
Walker, he was on horseback, and his daughter, a
young woman on behind him. The Indians fired and
killed the old man, and took his daughter and horse, and
on their return, they again met Mrs. Hawkins, she
squatted in the weeds, & they passed her as before. The
distressed creature and her infant lay in the woods all
night under a heavy rain some part of the time.
The next eve as we
were returning to our homes, a man rode ahead & turned
off on some business, & was waiting at the road when we
came -up. He told us of the woman in distress &
requested assistance which was readily granted. A man
turned out & away they went to fetch the woman & her
Babe & as he was going he told that she had seen a
party, sun about two hours high yesterday. My God
Indians here two hours ago & the whole party appeared
panic struck in a moment, and off they went the fastest
horse I believe foremost, I think there was not less
than 25 of the party and only two [p. 32] remained to
assist the distressed woman. Such were the heroes of
Washington county, such were the men who murdered the
Moravians, such were the heros that fought at Sandusky,
and such were the men that Col. Williamson mostly
commanded. Col. Williamson was no doubt a brave
man, but it (which rarely happened) was mixed with a
degree of cruelty, very unbecoming a soldier. I will
observe, that Col. W. was not with the party that so
shamefully run away & left the distressed woman. |
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Page 49 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
THE
PITTSBURGH AND WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 77-89
Microfilm No. 97
Interview of
John Lynn Crawford
[p. 77] My
Grandfather John Crawford was an emmigrant from
Scotland and settled and improved a tract of land near
where Chambersburg now stands. There he died in the year
1740* leaving a widow, four sons and one daughter, named
George, Arthur, William (my father) Mary &
John who was a posthumous cud. The widow afterward
married John McKinney (who was likewise an
emigrant from Scotland) by whom she had three sons and
one daughter, namely James, Robert, Joseph and
Elizabeth.
John McKinney sold the plantation near Chambersburg
and removed to Big Runalloway* [Tonolowayl near where
Hancock Town now stands; where shortly afterwards his
house was burned by the Indians and himself taken
prisoner; the family's Bible was burned in the house in
which the children's ages were recorded. McKinney
knew the Indian that took [him]. They had a long race
and when the Indian took hold of him he says "John
you run very fast and you run a great while too."
The Indian's name I have forgotten, however, McKinney
called him by name and says "I hope you will not
kill me." The Indian said he would not and kept his
word. He was taken to Fort Duquesne (now Pittsburgh) and
from there to Canada where the French set him to reaping
peas with three other fellow prisnors. This was near the
St. Lawrence or probably Niagara, however one night
after working hard all day the four prisoners took a
canoe and made their escape over the river and after
many days made their way to the settled parts of the
state of New York.
I do not recollect how many days they were in the
wilderness, but I remember to hear that shortly after
they made their escape, John McKinney had the
misfortune to have his shoulder dislocated and was not
put in till he came to the settlement. They suffered
greatly for provisions, having nothing but what they
could pick up in the woods. One article of food was a
hawk that had stuck his claws into a fish and was unable
to raise with it or to extracate himself from it. They
killed both the fish and the hawk. When opening the hawk
they saw in it a snake, but still they ate it. Pinching
hunger made it palatable.
When they came within a short distance of the settlement
they disputed about the course. McKinny and one
of the other men took one direction and other two a
different one. The whole party by this time was nearly
exhausted with hunger and fatigue and had nearly given
themselves up to despair, but fortunatly the two men
that had parted from McKinney came to the
settlement early the next day [p. 781 and gave an
account of their unfortunate companions who had parted
from them the day before. On hearing of which a number
of the inhabitants started in search of them and found
them from the course they were going. They never would
have reached the settlement in their debilitated
condition. The men who found them was obliged to carry
them part of the way to the settlement.
On their arrival a
Doctor was procured to put in the shoulder of
McKinney, which I think my father told me had been
out eleven days. He bathed it for a long time with warm
water before attempting to put it in. I do not know
whether this is a practice with the doctors of the
present day, however his shoulder was put in and
McKinny was treated with the greatest kindness by
the people and returned to his family exactly eleven
months from the day he was taken.
Note at bottom of
page. *This sp? from 5 to 10 years later - see W.
Crawford ?right? on next page, 1744 - LCD. ** See
Gordon's Hist. of Pa. p. 614.
Arthur Crawford my father's brother was taken
prisoner about the same time, but by a different party
of Indians. I have heard my father say he was about 14
years of age when he was taken and that he was two years
older than my father who was born on the 6th of August
1744. From this he must have been taken about 1756. |
Index
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Page 50 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 77-89
Microfllm Reel No. 97
When McKinney
came in he brought the news that Arthur Crawford
was living and that he had seen him at Fort
Duquesne; that he was amongst the Delaware nation of
Indians. The circumstances of the capture of Arthur
Crawford are as follows. (to wit) He was in company
with his uncle of the name of Lowther his first
name I have forgotten. When the Indians came upon them
Lowther having a rifle he shot down one of the
indians after which they were both taken. Lowther
was striped naked and tied to a cabin. Arthur
Crawford was tied to a tree at a short distance
where he could see all that was going on.
There had been a number of reapers at the place who had
left sickles hanging on the corner of the cabin. Those
sickles the Indians took and amused themselves for about
an hour in cutting Lowther in every part of his
body and limbs. They put out both of his eyes with the
points of the sickles and when they had thus satisfied
their hellish vengance they tomahawked and scalped him
and cut off his head.
Arthur Crawford after seeing those horrid
cruelties practiced on his uncle was taken to Fort
Duquesne as I have before stated and was adopted into
the family of the noted Indian Chief White Eyes.
This White Eyes afterwards embraced the Christian
religion and had a son educated at Princeton College,
New Jersey.
[p. 79] About the
time of the capture of Arthur Crawford there was
one Thomas Lynn tomahawked and scalped by the
Indians and left for dead. My father was on a hill at
some distance and seen the whole trans- action. Lynn
recovered, but lost his sight. Isaac Lynn the
brother of Thomas* was taken at the same time. He
was about the age of my uncle Arthur Crawford and
after they had been prisoners several years they agreed
to run away from the Indians together, but Lynn
had become so attached to the Indians that he divulged
the secret and had like to have lost my uncle his life.
White Eyes, my uncles Indian father took all the
skins of my uncles killing for the first two years after
that. He let him hunt for himself and he became the
greatest hunter and trapper of his day in particular for
hunting with the Stocking Head: This mode of hunting I
have never seen put in practice, but it has been
described to me by my father, thus: when the buck is
killed and the horns in full bloom, take the whole head
and horns with some of the joints of the neck and over
this draw a stocking or piece of cloth of the
colour of the deer's hair at the hunting season so as to
represent the neck of the buck. The hunter hides himself
in the bushes, or behind a tree, and holds to fair view
the head and horns of the buck and works with it in neck
a way that the deer is deceived in the appearance and
will walk up frequently so near that the hunter can
strike him with his hand. This mode of hunting has been
laid aside before my time or at least I have not seen it
put in practice, but I have been told that a Michael
Debolt that lived about five miles from my
fathers when I was a child did practice it and had been
a long time prisoner with the Indians. I think when the
Indians used nothing but bows and arrows this mode would
be very important.
Arthur Crawford continued to live with the
Indians for seven years but might have come home to his
at the end of six years had not fortune decided
otherwise. The case is thus: he had his hunting or
Indian cabbin at the mouth of Big Beaver on the Ohio and
he had skins and furs sufficient to have loaded his two
horses in the spring of the year he started on a traping
tour up Big Beaver intending on his return to start home
but on his return behold the Ohio had raised so high in
his absence as to carry off his cabin and all his skins
and as he had reason to believe (which was really true)
that his friends were all poor, he concluded to stay and
hunt another year and come in with his two horses loaded
with skins.
Note at bottom of page: *See MSS. notes of Andw. Linn
Note Book No.1 small size 1845.
p. 80 - When he
came home his mother was dead and the family scattered.
My Father had been bound by the orphans court and was
living with Samuel Combs in Loudoun County,
Virginia. How my Father came to be so far removed from
his former place of residence I have never learned.
Pontacks was breaking out shortly after the return of
Arthur Crawford. He was commissioned a captain of a
ranging company and the people had great expectations
from his service, but in this they were disappointed for
shortly afterwards he caught the small pocks and died,
together with his sister Mary. My Father never
seen his brother Arthur after his return from the
Indians. It is true his master gave him liberty to go
and see his brother within the Christmas holidays, but
with positive orders to be back within a certain time,
but on account of high waters he was detained and
obliged to return without seeing his brother and the
next news he heard was that he was dead. My Uncle
John Crawford |
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Page 51 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer, Editor
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
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Microfllm Reel No. 97
was with my uncle
Arthur from the time of his return from the
Indians til his death and it is from him I have learned
more of the anedotes of my uncle Arthur. He says
my uncle Arthur was about five feet eight inches
high square built and very active and strong that he
could carry a large Buck on his back for several miles
with great ease. That shortly after he was taken by the
Indians his Indian Father (White Eyes) had his
hunting camp near where Brownsville now stands and that
in the morning when Arthur was starting out to
hunt White Eyes would give him as much sausage
stufft in Bears gut as would lap round his fingers and
tell him "Boys must not eat much for if they did, they
would never make good hunters." My uncle was generally
fortunate in hunting but there was another Indian in
their company that had a son about the age of my uncle
he would frequently come to camp at night and bring in
no game. His father would apply a hicory to his back (a
practice very uncommon with the Indians) and tell him he
did not hunt right, he kept too much on the water
courses, whereas he ought to hunt on the tops of the
ridges.
About this time George Crawford my Father's
oldest Brother started on a visit to see some friends in
North Carolina & was drowned in James River, Virginia.
My Father William Crawford served out his time
with Samuel Combs except the last five
months when an agreement took place between him and his
master that my Father was to have liberty to depart on
condition that his [p. 811 Master was to be exhonerated
from paying any freedom dues. My Father then enlisted
for five months under a captain Chamel, a
Scotchman who was commissioned to raise a company of
rangers to defend the frontiers. Their headquarters was
at Enochs Fort on Big Cape Capon. They were dressed in
the fashion of Scoch highlanders with the plaid or kilt.
My father was married in the year 1767 to the daughter
of David Kenady near the forks of Cossoquge &
came to the western cuntry in the year 1769 and made a
small improve- ment and returned in the spring of 1770.
He came out with an intention of continuing the said
improvement,* but when he came to the spot, he found one
Roger Roberts at work on the land and wishing to
have no dispute he sold Roberts his improvement
for a trifle and came to the west side of the
Monongohela River and with his Negro man named Cook,
be began an improvement. They had brought with them
one cow to give them milk, they built a cabbin, cleared
five acres of ground and put it in corn. As my Father
had a rifle he killed as much wild meat as he wanted for
himself, my uncle John Crawford came out at the
same time and improved land adjoining after my Father
had laid by his corn, he hired Cook to William
Shephard who with his wife had moved out the same
spring, and his wife Rebekah Sheppard was the
only white woman then in the bounds of what is now
Greene County. The distance from Sheppards cabbin
to my Fathers was about three miles. Cook was to
come every Satturday afternoon to see the corn. My
Father started over the mountain to move out my Mother &
my oldest sister which was all the child[ren] they had
at that time. My Father at the mouth of Muddy Creek met
with Thomas Crago an old acquaintance from
Conoquige. He told my father he had two cows that they
gave him plenty of milk and could make butter if he had
a churn. My Father gave him directions where to find his
cabbin and to take his churn & keep it till his return
from over the Mountain. Accordingly Crago in a
fiew days came to the cabbin and took the churn and on
his return was met by four Indians two men & two women.
Those Indians attempted to take Cragos Horse to
carry one of their party who had been wounded shortly
before on the Monongahela river near the lowest point,
by some White men from Whome they had stole some
property. As they were descending the river, Crago
would not give up his horse & a scuffle took place.
Crago got the Indian down and one of the Indians
[p. 82] woman took a rifle & shot Crago through
the head, the next day old Cook came to see the
corn in company with John Moore and when they
came within three fourths of a Mile of my fathers cabbin
they came upon the dead body of Crago and my
father's churn laying by him.
Moore
Note at bottom of
page: *This improvement was 4 ms above Brownsville -
sold to Roberts for 50 Va. currency + 2 ms west
of the river, near Carmichaeltown, on John Wm.
Crawford ______ left his gun with Cook to
watch the corps[e] and gathered some of the neighbours,
buried Crago and followed the Indians to where
they had camped the night before. They had not taken the
Horse more than half a mile till they tomhocked him and
at their camp they had tomhocked a Dog to keep from
barking as was supposed. After [the] shooting [of
Crago, Sheppard charged Cook not to tell
Mrs Sheppard that the Indians had killed Crago
as she was the only white woman in the cuntry which
he promised to observe, but when he returned
Mrs |
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Page 52 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
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Microfllm Reel No. 97
Sheppard
asked him if he had seen
anything of Thomas Crago. He made no answer;
asked him a second & third time and still no answer. She
then asked him if the indians had killed him his answer
then was that men had told him not to tell her. This was
telling her plane enough. A lye was unnatural to
Cook. The last part of the foregoing tale I had from
Mrs. Sheppard's own mouth in last June 1831 for
she is still living & perfectly intelligible though
upwards of eighty years of age.
The reason Mrs. Sheppard gave me for thinking the
Indians killed Thomas Crago was as follows:
Crago had as yet built no cabbin, but with his two
little boys (Thomas & Robert) lived in a campt by
the side of a log. The oldest boy was eleven the younger
nine years of age. The youngest boy Robert had
his hand burnd and every morning for some time had come
to Mrs. Sheppard to get his hand dressed. The
morning after their father was killed, [the] boys came
as usual to get Roberts hand dressed & they told Mrs.
Sheppard "Dady has run away." "Where is he run to?"
says Mrs. Sheppard. The boys said "He had the day
before went to Bill Crawford's cabbin to get a
churn and had not returned from that moment." Mrs.
Sheppard thought the Indians had killed him for
certainly he would not have left those little boys all
night by themselves - about this time an Indian of the
name of Bald Eagle had been hunting high up the
Monongahela river and after making his hunt was
descending the Monongahela river with his skins when
about four miles below where Morgan Town now stands he
was fired upon by a young man of the name of J S* [Note
in Mss.: *Scott - afterward Col. Scott lived on the west
side of the river.] and killed without any provocation
on what ever. The canoe of the dead Indian floated down
to Provese Fort about two miles above the Mouth of Big
Whitely when he was [p. 83] taken out and buried, but
what became of his skins, I never learned.
Sometime after this other Indians on their way down the
river called on the uncle of J. S. who had killed their
friend Bald Eagle. He told them there was bad
people at Provenus Fort [and] it would be best
for them not call there accordingly. When they passt
Provences Fort they kept on the opposite saide of
the river. About this time an Indian of the name of
Jacob with his family lived on Kehn fork of Dunkard.
He tended a small patch of rich Bottom land in corn and
hunted. He continued there for some time and was very
service- able to the white people living on the lower
parts of Dunkard by furnishing them with many Horse
loads of wild meat, etc. at a moderate price. At length
some lawless men whose names I have forgotten came to
[his] cabbin and murdered him. Two of his children*
[Note in Mss.: *this occured early in Sept, 1769: See
extracts from Md. Gazette 1760-1767, p.179. L.C.D.] made
their escape to the Ohio, where they were alomost
starved to death. It gives me pain to state those
things, but truth requires that it should be done, not
with standing the universal disposition of the Indians
to retaliate for an injury done to an individual of
their tribe. There was as yet no war, but in the spring
of 1774 when Cissup & Great House with their
party killed a number of peaceable Indians (the
partiuclar of which is stated in Jefferson notes
of Virginia) the people instantly set about building
Forts in every direction on both sides of the
Monongahela river with full expectation that there would
be an Indian War. In this they were not disappointed for
in May 1774 the noted Indian Chief Logan came
with a party and killed a man of the name of Spicer
with his wife and five children and took two
of his children prisoner to wit, Betsy a girl of
eleven years old and William nine years old. As
soon as my father received the alarm he took my mother
and children to Jenkins fort & then rode all
night to warn the people to fly to the forts for safety.
The next day my father went with a party to bury the
dead. The sight was awful to those that had never seen
anything of the kind before, but to my father those
scenes had been common from his childhood. One man says
"For God sake let us clear ourselves the Indians are
hiding in the high weeds near us and will kill us every
one." My father says "For God sake do you clear
yourself. Such a man as you is sufficient to spoil a
dozen good men." Captain Logan sent on the
prisoners and plunder, with the main body of the Indians
from the place where he killed the family which was once
Branchy Dunkard Creek called Meadow Run and himself and
an Indian [p. 84] of the name of Snake and they
too came on to big Whitey Creek killed a man of the name
of Rencer who was not found for several
days till the bussards was seen flying about his dead
body, when he was taken up and buried. Those two Indians
secreted themselves behind a fence near Jenkins
Fort the same evening after the party had returned from
burying Spicers family.
The following narrative I will give as Betsy Spicer
had it from Capt. Logan on his return to the
Indian Towns. He says when lying behind the fence he
heard a woman with a sharp shrill voice say "Who will
turn out and Guard the women to milk their cows? There
was, he said, a long string of men came out of the fort
Gate |
Index
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Page 53 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
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Microfllm Reel No. 97
with rifles on
their shoulders and when they came out they were
frequently Pointing with their rifles at different
objects. Several times they pointed towards him and he
had sometimes thought of runing but laid still till
night when him and his Companion Snake went off
the next day, they came on the waters of Mudy Creek to
the cabbin of James Fleniken where they killed a
Mare and a pet wolf from thence to the cabbin of John
Crawford (my uncle) where they cut some bags of rye
to pececes and took a brass kettle which they took only
about three hundred yards when they struck a tomahock
through its bottom and left it from thence they went to
the cabbin of Thomas Hughs where they broke some
?potmettle,? from thence they came to the cabbin
of James Moredock but took nothing but a plate of
meat, from thence they came near Vanmeters fort
where they killed a man of the name of Wall.
There was some mischief done about this time on the
waters of Ten mile, but I am not sure that those two
Indians did it. The same day that those depredations
were committed, my father with his black man Cook
and an Irish weaver of the name of John Sloan,
started to my father's cabbin to bring some necessaries
and drive out a cow to give milk to his children (I was
the youngest) when they came to my fathers Cabbin and
loaded the horses, Cook mounted one, John
Sloan the other, each with his class knife open in
his hand intending if fired upon by the Indians to cut
the cash ropes and let the lodes tumble and clear
themselves on horse back if possible. My father says
"John do [you] think you could fight?" "Oh,
God" (says John) "I have fought on board of a 74 till
the blood run out an oar J V Scuttles." They took up the
line of march the cavelry in [p. 85] front!
My father in the rear with his wife driving the cow
before him when the party came near my uncle John
Crawfords cabbin. It seems the cow seen the Indians
for she run back. My father followed her round my uncles
field and brought her back and then the party came to
the cabbin; it had been plundered by the Indians, but a
moment before! The door was open, the bags of rye cut in
slivers & the rye runing out; the brass kettle missing
which at that time was all the Household furniture
probably my uncle had left in his cabbin. My uncle was
not yet married and in those days when a man left his
cabbin in the language of the new Testament he took up
his bed and walked.
I should have in formed the reader before this, (that is
if ever this produation should be thought worth reading
which is very doubtful) that my father when he came to
this country he had three very valuable Horses; three
Land Jobbers allias Horse theives, came & stayd all
night with my father. He gave them the best his cab- bin
afforded and when they went away they stole all his
horses! In the course of some years one of them was
hanged in some parts of Virginia, I have forgot the
County, his name was Dilts. He confessed under
the Gallows that the first Horses he ever stole
was the property of a man of the name of Crawford
in Muddy Creek Settlement, that Mosses Hollady
was in his company with another Man whose name I shall
not mention, that they all three had been well treated
that after he had catched the Horses his conscience
smote him and he turned them loose. Mosses Hallady
then called him "A D-d hen hearted Son of a bitch"
and told him to catch the Horses again. He did so, [but]
all this was no proof against Hollady, but my
father thought him guilty and meeting him at Catfish
Camp (now Washington) in the 1781-2 he attempted to
inflect such punishment as was common in those days, but
the Publican protected him by locking him up in a room
so that my father could not get at him.
At the mouth of Big Sandy on the Ohio in the year 1767,
I seen the same Moses Hollady. Two men that I
knew was bringing him up the Ohio in a canoe he was
struck with the palsy; he could not walk with out
crutches & was then a beggar and presented to me his
brief I gave him 250 and told him I am the son of such a
man living in such a place now go & sin no more --- in
the course of that summer he came into the House of my
oldest sister living on Big Redstone. He presented his
brief-, "Begone out of my house you old villian! You
stole my father's Horses!" says my sister. This is the
last I heard of Mosses Hollady.
[p. 86] During the year 1775-6 I am not possitive
that there was any murder committed by the Indians, but
if I should be better informed I will state it
hereafter; in those years I think the Indians were in
Suspence whether to join the Brittish or remain nutral.
The British wished the Indians to adopt the first and
the United States the latter, however there was Several
false alarms. I remember one in the summer of 1776. I
was then not four years old, the particulars of the
alarm I do not recollect. John Blair &
family James Fieniken & family, my father &
family, uncle John Crawford & family, all fled
together to Jenkins fort a distance of four
miles. I remember I was waked up out of my sound sleep
and thrown on a horse behind John Blair and he |
Index
-- Top
Page 54 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 77-89
Microfllm Reel No. 97
carried his little
daughter before him. We all arrived at the fort at the
break of day. On my way to the fort I fell asleep and in
going up the bank of little Whitely creek, I fell off
into the bed of the creek. My father was close behind
and threw me on again. When we arrived at the fort and
my father and the rest was busy in taking the loads of
the horses I remember to hear my father say "There is
the man that raised the false alarm. I have a notion to
pick out him." However, I seen my father shortly after
this talking with the man & appeared to be moderate. The
man told him he had not told a lye, but he was deceived.
I think from the sound of his voice he was a Dutchman.
The next day we all came home again.
In the spring of the year 1777, the Indians committed
some depredations which I here relate. Hereafter, my
father moved his family to Jacob Vanmeters fort,
a distance of three miles, where we remaind for about
two weeks when my father moved us home again. When we
came home there was a number of the neighbours collected
and was busy in building a fort at my fathers. They
built five cabbin in addition to two others that my
father had built for his own convenience. The vacancy
between the cabbins was fined with stockade ex- tending
about ten feet above the ground with port holes to fire
out of if necessary. This year is designated by the
name of the Tory year it was in this year that so many
of my father's neighbours joined a conspiracy against
the Government and secretly took an oath to be true to
the Government of George the third, in
pointed voyolation of the declaration of Independence. I
shall trace as lightly on the ashes of those deluded men
as will be consistant with truth. I shall only mention
the two first letters of the names of those concerned,
[p. 871 and as they had threatened the life of my old
father, yet I have more sympathy for them than those
fallen Americans who before and at the time of our late
war had the audacity to publish to the world that it was
a war of egression [on] our part that it was an unjust,
unnecessary, & cruel war on our part. Oh, shame, where
are thy blush! The Brittish navy had imprisoned many
thousands of our seafaring citizens and made them fight
against a nation with whom we were at peace. Those
unfortunate men frequently try to make their escape and
on being caught were invariable tied up and whipt and
amongest those illfated men were the two nephews of
General Washington. They were of the name of
Lewis; one of the brothers deserted once and was
whipt. Could this good old patriot spoken from the grave
what would have been his indignation, but what will not
parted Spirit produce in a free country where every man
is at liberty to speak and write what he pleases, but I
will return to the torys of 1777.
At this time our struggle with Great Brittain was very
doubtful; our northern enemy had retreated from the
wafls of Quebeek to the back parts of the state of New
York; Tycondaroga had fallen into the hands of the enemy
without a struggle. The Indians that had heretofore been
wavering now took part against us, there mode of warfare
was an indiscriminate slaughter of all ages and sexes;
we had no publick roads, nothing but paths leading from
one cabbin to another and of course no publick mail, no
news papers to inform us how our friends were coming on
with the common enemy, all we heard was from travelers
or from our own people returning from Hagerstown or
Winchester, packing their satt our information
was seldom correct. The whig would make it a little
better and the tory a little worse than it really was.
In this State of surpence, the stoutest hearts trembled
for the fate of America, but at this time we had the
revd. John Corbly settled among us. His prayers
and his sermons tended to reanimate the feeble. His
preaching was attended by large assemblys, many would go
ten miles to hear him. He represented our cause
as the cause of Heaven! There was likewise at this time
a sermon printed in a pamphlet by the revd. David
Jones, a Baptist preacher I have not seen it for
fifty years, but I remember the text. "Fight men
fully for your wives and your children and your
household goods." I remember likewise that he compared
the terms of unconditional submission which was offered
by Great Britton to the colonies, to that of the terms
offered by Nahash the Ammonite to the people of
Jabesh-gilead, Ist Samuel, Chap. 11, v. 2 [p. 88] which
was that Nahash was to thrust out the right eye of every
man of Jabesh-Gilead and lay it for a reproach on all
Isreal. The inference he drew from this passage, that we
could trust nothing to the benevolence of the parent
country, that we must trust in God and our own abilities
to resist the common enemy.
In the Spring of 1777 there were very few disaffected
people in our part of the country, even A. J.* who was
afterwards considered and treated as a leading tory, was
at this time a warm whig, but the Deamon of discord was
shortly after this let loose. The Brittish agents came
into our country like wolves in sheeps clothing. They
represented our cause as hopeless; that if we were
conquered with arms in our hands our lives would be
endangered and at all events the lands of the Whigs
would be forfitted to the Crown. About this time, a man
of |
Index
-- Top
Page 55 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 77-89
Microfllm Reel No. 97
the name of Smith
from the State of Dellaware (the hot bed of toryism)
came to the Fort of A. J. and contined there
three or four days. Shortly before this A. J. was
on the verge of fighting at fisticuffs with one of the
men that lived in the fort with him, on the subject of
whig and tory. This was J. B. a Hatter who had a
shop in one of the fort cabbins. He was an emigrant from
England and like many others of his countrimen, he
sucked in the love of his King with his mother's milk.
He was a tory from principle and perhaps the only one at
that time in the country. Shortly after this, Smith
left the Fort.* [Note in Mss.: *Aaron Jenkins:
this fort was on Little Whiteley.] A. J.
began to alter his tone; he had two fine plantations as
any in the County; the thought of leaving them was
dreadful to him. The people began to hold secret
meetings in the night. My father shortly after this had
some conversation with A. J. and some others of
his friends they gave him reasons to suspect them of
toryism, but in the latter part of July my father was
mowing in the meadow of one John Vantress in company
with James Mundle. They fell into conversation on
the subject of Whig and Tory. My Father told Mundle
he thought A. J. & a number of his
neighbours were tories. Mundle addressed my
father as follows: William, I wish you would be
caucious how you express your self; the time are
critticle - it is very uncertain how the contest between
us and Britton will end and I have heard your life
threatened." On this, my father threwdown his scythe
with great indignation and says "Who threathens my
life?" Mundle refused to tell him, but declared
he was my fathers friend. My father called several men
that was mowing in the same meadow at some distance;
they came when my father told them "My neighbour Mundle
tells me there is a member _________ [sic - sentence
appears to not be finished by writer.] [p. 89] Mundle
became alarmed for his own safety and said that
A. J. and a number of others whose names he
mentioned were the men that he had seen in the fort of
A. J., was knowing to their meetings and
overheard this much that when their affairs came to a
crisis they would be obliged to dispatch my father and
two others (to wit) Capt. John Minor (now
Judge Minor) and the revd John Corbly, a good
old Baptist preacher whose family fell a sacrafice to
the Indian tomahock. About five afterwards in a few days
after this, John Mason a German blacksmith came
to my father and apeared much alarmed. He addressed my
father as follows "Billy this day, the morrow, or
Satturday I must dye" he says "this morning I was called
by neighbour A. J. who apeared in great distress
and said "John I wish to tell you something, but I have
sworn not to tell you, but you will be killed in three
days & he shed tears in abundance. Mason says you
say you wish to tell me something and you have sworn not
to tell me, you have not sworn not to tell my horse
(there was a horse hitched at the Smith Shop) you can
tell him, the simple honest old Dutchman told the horse
in presence of Mason that General Burgoyne
was to send a part of his army and take Fort Pitt and
the Indians was to take whelin [Wheeling] on the same
day, then the torys was to declare themselves for the
King and those who refused to do so would be put to
death. As this was a matter of great Importance and as
Mason spoke the english language very imperfectly
my father thought he might not perfectly understand him.
He thought proper to go with him to James Carmichael
who could speak dutch, but it was found my father
had understood him perfectly - Carmichael
concluded to go home with Mason. The distance was
about six miles and he went to the House of W. and
stayed all night with him and affected to be a tory; by
this means he got all out of him that he wanted. The
next day he went to the foot of the mountain to Col.
Gaddis & Major Springer who as soon as
possible raind about forty Mounted men with a view of
inquiring into these matters out from the thinness of
the settlements if at that time so many men could not be
collected in a day. The torys got word of what was going
on for by this they had partizan every where and
prepared to meet their adversarys in bloody combat the
first night after Catfish Springer got the men
collected they came to Provences fort on the east bank
of the Monongahela river and campt there the first night
the torys were collected to the number of one hundred at
the distance of nearly opposite the mouth of Big
Whiteley. |
Index
-- Top
Page 56 of the transcription by Phyllis J. Bauer,
Editor.
PITTSBURGH AND NORTH WEST VIRGINIA PAPERS (cont.)
Volume 6, Series NN, Pages 77-89
Microfllm Reel No. 97
the name of Smith
from the State of Dellaware (the hot bed of toryism)
came to the Fort of A. J. and contined there
three or four days. Shortly before this A. J. was
on the verge of fighting at fisticuffs with one of the
men that lived in the fort with him, on the subject of
whig and tory. This was J. B. a Hatter who had a
shop in one of the fort cabbins. He was an emigrant from
England and like many others of his countrimen, he
sucked in the love of his King with his mother's milk.
He was a tory from principle and perhaps the only one at
that time in the country. Shortly after this, Smith
left the Fort.* [Note in Mss.: *Aaron Jenkins:
this fort was on Little Whiteley.] A. J.
began to alter his tone; he had two fine plantations as
any in the County; the thought of leaving them was
dreadful to him. The people began to hold secret
meetings in the night. My father shortly after this had
some conversation with A. J. and some others of
his friends they gave him reasons to suspect them of
toryism, but in the latter part of July my father was
mowing in the meadow of one John Vantress in company
with James Mundle. They fell into conversation on
the subject of Whig and Tory. My Father told Mundle
he thought A. J. & a number of his
neighbours were tories. Mundle addressed my
father as follows: William, I wish you would be
caucious how you express your self; the time are
critticle - it is very uncertain how the contest between
us and Britton will end and I have heard your life
threatened." On this, my father threwdown his scythe
with great indignation and says "Who threathens my
life?" Mundle refused to tell him, but declared
he was my fathers friend. My father called several men
that was mowing in the same meadow at some distance;
they came when my father told them "My neighbour Mundle
tells me there is a member _________ [sic - sentence
appears to not be finished by writer.] [p. 89] Mundle
became alarmed for his own safety and said that
A. J. and a number of others whose names he
mentioned were the men that he had seen in the fort of
A. J., was knowing to their meetings and
overheard this much that when their affairs came to a
crisis they would be obliged to dispatch my father and
two others (to wit) Capt. John Minor (now
Judge Minor) and the revd John Corbly, a good
old Baptist preacher whose family fell a sacrafice to
the Indian tomahock. About five afterwards in a few days
after this, John Mason a German blacksmith came
to my father and apeared much alarmed. He addressed my
father as follows "Billy this day, the morrow, or
Satturday I must dye" he says "this morning I was called
by neighbour A. J. who apeared in great distress
and said "John I wish to tell you something, but I have
sworn not to tell you, but you will be killed in three
days & he shed tears in abundance. Mason says you
say you wish to tell me something and you have sworn not
to tell me, you have not sworn not to tell my horse
(there was a horse hitched at the Smith Shop) you can
tell him, the simple honest old Dutchman told the horse
in presence of Mason that General Burgoyne
was to send a part of his army and take Fort Pitt and
the Indians was to take whelin [Wheeling] on the same
day, then the torys was to declare themselves for the
King and those who refused to do so would be put to
death. As this was a matter of great Importance and as
Mason spoke the english language very imperfectly
my father thought he might not perfectly understand him.
He thought proper to go with him to James Carmichael
who could speak dutch, but it was found my father
had understood him perfectly - Carmichael
concluded to go home with Mason. The distance was
about six miles and he went to the House of W. and
stayed all night with him and affected to be a tory; by
this means he got all out of him that he wanted. The
next day he went to the foot of the mountain to Col.
Gaddis & Major Springer who as soon as
possible raind about forty Mounted men with a view of
inquiring into these matters out from the thinness of
the settlements if at that time so many men could not be
collected in a day. The torys got word of what was going
on for by this they had partizan every where and
prepared to meet their adversarys in bloody combat the
first night after Catfish Springer got the men
collected they came to Provences fort on the east bank
of the Monongahela river and campt there the first night
the torys were collected to the number of one hundred at
the distance of nearly opposite the mouth of Big
Whiteley. |
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