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MIGRATION PATTERNS FROM VIRGINIA

SCOTCH-IRISH ON THE FRONTIER

Life in northern or Ulster, Ireland had been difficult for the Scotch settlers for several generations. Originally recruited by the British Crown, along with English farmers, to settle lands in northern Ireland and to help "civilize" this country of Papists, the Scots, or Scotch-Irish as they were to be later called, found themselves also mistreated by the Crown. Most were farmers of sheep or flax and nearly all were Presbyterians.

They had lived through periods of brutal religious persecution and periods of uneasy toleration as the Established Church and the Papists vied for control and at times even vied for the support of the Scotch-Irish. They did not own their land, but were tenant farmers whose taxes became heavy burdens. England controlled the wool and linen markets and, in the early 1700s, placed severe restrictions on the Irish trade in favor of the English markets. The situation became so intolerable that the Scotch-Irish began leaving Ireland in large numbers from virtually every port in northern Ireland. Many came to the New World.

Not wanting a repeat of religious persecution, most of these newcomers avoided the northern colonial ports, with their own brand of persecution, as well as the southern ports where the Established Church was in power. The port of choice was Philadelphia, the entry into the fabled land of Quaker toleration. Although religious toleration was found, these newcomers also found that the citizens didn't want them in their midst. The more settled citizens considered the Scotch-Irish rather boorish and their strong intolerance of the Indians conflicted with the more tolerant views of the Quakers.

Americans, however, welcomed the newcomers, but as peoples to settle the frontiers and to become buffers with the Indians. Some of the Scotch-Irish moved west into the Alleghenies, some moved south into the Great Valley of Virginia, the Shenandoah. There they found the Established Church of England, while powerful in the Tidewater area, had little power on the remote side of the Blue Ridge Mountains. In fact, they were allowed to organize their own churches and to enlist ministers provided they organized similar to the Church of England with tithes and vestry, and that they swore allegiance to the Crown and renounced support of any pretenders to the throne. Even the organization along Church of England lines was not a burden to the dissenters; the Church also exercised civil authority and this organization was required to carry on the local government function.

For one to understand why these Anglicans would be called Scotch-Irish, it is first necessary to understand that the term, "Scotch-Irish" dates from the late 1800s and not from the time these settlers arrived in American. After living in Ireland for many generations, these people considered themselves to be Irish as did the Welsh and English who also had lived in Ireland for many generations. In fact, the area around Staunton, Virginia, was, in those days, referred to as the Irish Tract. The later Potato Famine in Ireland cause another, even greater, flood of immigrants into America in the middle 1800s. These people were from all over Ireland, many were Catholic, and they were pretty well hated by the rest of the citizens of the United States. The term, "Scotch-Irish" came into use late in the 1800s to ensure that folks understood that those early Irish immigrants were not the same as these newcomers. Several of the best histories of the Shenandoah Valley were written at the end of the 19th century or the beginning of the 20th and they used the term "Scotch-Irish. It is a false term - the early immigrants were just as Irish as my mother's ancestors who came from Ireland in the middle 1800s. And several of those so-called Scotch-Irish were more probably Welsh-Irish or English-Irish.

There are many good references to the Scotch-Irish settlers. One highly readable account is James G. Leyburn, The Scotch-Irish, A Social History (Chapel Hill, NC: The University of North Carolina Press, 1962).
 

CAUSES OF MIGRATION IN COLONIAL AND POST-REVOLUTION AMERICA

Free or cheap land was the primary reason for all migrations in the United States and its territories well into the 19th century. Sometimes there were other factors such as the moves of Tories to avoid persecutions by the Patriots and mass exodus from the devastated South after the Civil War. But little movement would have occurred if this country did not possess vast lands which could be sold or given away to peoples whose ancestors never experienced the privilege of owning their own land. The government had only to deal with the Indians who lived on those lands and often they left that problem to the settlers.

The laws of primogeniture and entail would be replaced (first by Governor Thomas Jefferson in 1776 in Virginia) with estate rules which allocated the land more evenly with 1/3 to the wife and the remainder to be divided equally among the sons, if the father died interstate (without a will).

Even with more equitable estate division, later generations would be impacted as land became more difficult to find. The division of an estate is too often underplayed as a factor in migration. Imagine that if one had 1,000 acres and five sons in 1780 (a likely number at that time). Each son would get an equal 200 acres, assuming the mother had died. Next imagine that each of these sons had five more sons. In the third generation, about the year 1820, each son would have only 40 acres - barely enough to subsist on and certainly not enough to become prosperous. More land to the west was the answer.

Revolutionary soldiers were usually paid late, if at all in the case of militia units. The promise of land bounties kept most of them fighting. The new country would be rich in vast lands that could be given away and the nation and individual states did so frequently. Most of the lands given in bounty were in Tennessee (western North Carolina), Kentucky (western Virginia), and Georgia; a few were in the Ohio Valley.

The most significant government action in promoting the sale of lands to the west was the Northwest Ordinance of 1785. This ordinance provided for the acquisition of lands from the Indians and the sale of those lands to the public; the first tracts, however, went to the military bounties promised earlier. Cheap as the land was, it was still difficult for anyone not holding a bounty to acquire land.

The Harrison Land Act of 1800 allowed land purchases on credit, making the western lands available to a great number of the population. Throughout the colonial and the post-Revolution period, speculation in western lands was rife with such notaries as George Washington and Thomas Jefferson taking part. The boom in western lands collapsed in 1819 and Congress dropped the credit provisions in 1820, but by this time, most of my ancestors had moved to locations where they would settle.

Much has been written about the settlers in the Valley of Virginia. Perhaps one of the most popular was Theodore Roosevelt, The Winning of the West (New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1900) and an excerpt of Chapter 5, "The Backwoodsmen of the Alleghanies." has been reprinted (Franklin, TN: Territorial Press, 1988). An excellent source is Joseph A. Waddell, The Annals of Augusta County, Virginia (Staunton, VA: C. Russell Caldwell, Publisher, 1901). This one-volume work is available at several public libraries. The most revered work (in my belief) is Lyman Chalkley, Chronicles of the Scotch-Irish Settlement in Virginia (1965 rpt; Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Company, 1902). Chalkley was a judge in Augusta County and, as personal project, abstracted courthouse records of the late 18th century in that county (Augusta County once included all of western Virginia and what is now West Virginia and Kentucky as well as parts of the Ohio Valley). Chalkley's three-volume massive work is well indexed but is only for the serious researcher since it is only a collection of records.

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